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Newer Political Systems Yielding Valuable Insights Concerning Consociation: South Africa and Northern Ireland

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Power-Sharing and Consociational Theory
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Abstract

In the 1990s, consociational components were implemented in South Africa and Northern Ireland. Although elements of consociation were introduced in South Africa’s 1994 interim constitution, most were not maintained in the country’s 1997 constitution and a majoritarian system emerged which is dominated by one political party. South Africa’s experience implies valuable insights regarding closed list proportional representation and the potential advisability of designing consociational governance mechanisms so they can gradually become more centripetal. Northern Ireland’s recent history illustrates that consociation’s success seems facilitated by the single transferable vote proportional representation system. Comparison of these countries’ political systems since the 1990s also suggests a close connection between the nature of groups’ political demands and their expectations regarding likely external intervention.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    “Background.”

  2. 2.

    O’Leary points out that consociations can be categorized as either democratic or authoritarian. The elements of consociation introduced through the South African 1983 constitution were authoritarian. It introduced greater autonomy concerning some issues for native groups, in a manner designed to facilitate their continued oppression. O’Leary (2003, p. 694) explains that the Ottoman millet system, European corporate guilds, and the Indian caste system were undemocratic but did provide “internal self-government” for their constituent groups. Intergroup disputes are managed in an authoritarian manner in such systems, by nonrepresentative executives, “paying attention to past norms and the relevant threat-capacities of each corporately organised entity” (O’Leary 2003, p. 695). Authoritarian consociation theoretically can include some representation, autonomy, and proportionality, but it is not very compatible with minority veto rights . O’Leary (2005, p. 13) also provides a definition of democratic consociation which is helpful for distinguishing it from the system’s authoritarian version: “[w]hat it must have is meaningful cross-community executive power sharing in which each significant segment is represented in the government with at least plurality levels of support within its segment.”

  3. 3.

    Venter (2006, p. 3) and Guelke (1999, p. 170).

  4. 4.

    The terms, “black,” “colored,” and “white,” were extensively used in South Africa to facilitate racial discrimination. However, since they are the potentially antagonistic groups’ most common labels, they will be employed here to promote understanding of their society.

  5. 5.

    Venter (2006, p. 3).

  6. 6.

    Taylor (2008, pp. 99, 100).

  7. 7.

    Taylor (2008, p. 100).

  8. 8.

    Venter (2006, p. 3).

  9. 9.

    Guelke (1999, p. 169).

  10. 10.

    Guelke (1999, pp. 169, 170).

  11. 11.

    Lijphart (1994, p. 220).

  12. 12.

    Issacharoff (2013, p. 220).

  13. 13.

    Issacharoff (2004, pp. 1868, 1872).

  14. 14.

    Issacharoff (2004, p. 1872).

  15. 15.

    & The website provides analysis of what South Africa’s experience suggests concerning the impact of consociation on racially divided societies.

  16. 16.

    Southall (1994, p. 636).

  17. 17.

    de Klerk (1996).

  18. 18.

    Van Tonder (1996, p. 26).

  19. 19.

    Venter (2006, pp. 44, 47).

  20. 20.

    Faure (1996, pp. 92–93) and Taljaard et al. (2006, pp. 21, 22).

  21. 21.

    Faure (1996, p. 93).

  22. 22.

    Taljaard et al. (2006, p. 22).

  23. 23.

    Faure (1996, p. 93).

  24. 24.

    Faure (1996, p. 94).

  25. 25.

    Faure (1996, p. 94).

  26. 26.

    Elklit and Roberts (1996, p. 220).

  27. 27.

    Lijphart (1994, p. 226).

  28. 28.

    Southall (1994, p. 635).

  29. 29.

    Southall (1994, p. 635).

  30. 30.

    Van Tonder (1996, p. 22).

  31. 31.

    Van Tonder (1996, p. 21).

  32. 32.

    Van Tonder (1996, p. 23).

  33. 33.

    Van Tonder (1996, p. 23).

  34. 34.

    Issacharoff (2004, pp. 1872, 1877).

  35. 35.

    Issacharoff (2013, p. 221).

  36. 36.

    Issacharoff (2004, p. 1881).

  37. 37.

    Besdziek (2006, pp. 104, 126) and Friedman (2005, p. 19).

  38. 38.

    Calland (2006, p. 112).

  39. 39.

    Gurr et al. (1993, p. 335).

  40. 40.

    Gurr et al. (2000, p. 9).

  41. 41.

    Lijphart (1994, p. 223).

  42. 42.

    Issacharoff (2004, p. 1878).

  43. 43.

    Issacharoff (2013, p. 225).

  44. 44.

    Issacharoff (2013, p. 226).

  45. 45.

    Mangcu (2009, pp. 126, 187).

  46. 46.

    Friedman (2005, p. 19).

  47. 47.

    “Queasy”; “Flawed”; “The Long.”

  48. 48.

    Misra-Dexter et al. (2010, p. viii).

  49. 49.

    “Country”; “A Step.”

  50. 50.

    “Thabo”; “Dropping.”

  51. 51.

    “A Step.”

  52. 52.

    “A Step.”

  53. 53.

    Lodge (2005, p. 114).

  54. 54.

    “From.”

  55. 55.

    “From.”

  56. 56.

    “Queasy.”

  57. 57.

    Lijphart (1977, p. 55) and Bogaards (1998, p. 478).

  58. 58.

    Issacharoff (2004, p. 1869).

  59. 59.

    Issacharoff (2004, p. 1871).

  60. 60.

    Issacharoff (2004, pp. 1876, 1877).

  61. 61.

    Guelke (1999, p. 85).

  62. 62.

    Super (2010, pp. 169, 181).

  63. 63.

    “The Great.”

  64. 64.

    “The Great.”

  65. 65.

    “The Great.”

  66. 66.

    “The Great.”

  67. 67.

    “Between.”

  68. 68.

    “Free Speech.”

  69. 69.

    This information was obtained on this website on May 28, 2014: www.statssa.gov.za/census01/Census96/HTML/CIB/Population/234.htm.

  70. 70.

    Ghosh (2012).

  71. 71.

    “Free Speech.”

  72. 72.

    Super (2010, p. 179).

  73. 73.

    Guelke (1999, p. 79) and Piombo (2005, p. 251).

  74. 74.

    Piombo (2005, p. 252).

  75. 75.

    Guelke (1999, pp. 64, 65).

  76. 76.

    Guelke (1999, pp. 85, 86).

  77. 77.

    Guelke (1999, p. 86).

  78. 78.

    Guelke (1999, p. 86).

  79. 79.

    Guelke (1999, p. 40).

  80. 80.

    Handley et al. (2008, p. 193).

  81. 81.

    Guelke (1999, pp. 27–28).

  82. 82.

    Guelke (1999, pp. 25, 32).

  83. 83.

    Guelke (1999, p. 76).

  84. 84.

    Taylor (2008, p. 105).

  85. 85.

    Handley et al. (2008, p. 193).

  86. 86.

    “Voting.”

  87. 87.

    “Voting”; “Jobless.”

  88. 88.

    Lijphart (1975, p. 99).

  89. 89.

    Lijphart (1996, p. 274).

  90. 90.

    Lijphart (1975, pp. 99, 105).

  91. 91.

    It should be noted that many analysts of Northern Irish history and politics use the terms “Protestant” and “Catholic” to refer, respectively, to the “unionist” and “nationalist” populations. Historically, most unionists have been Protestant and most nationalists Catholic. Religious labels for these groups are not appropriate because religion is used there for boundary marcation but is not a primary motivator of the conflict.

  92. 92.

    Lijphart (1975, p. 99; 1977, p. 137).

  93. 93.

    O’Leary (2004, p. 281).

  94. 94.

    O’Leary (2004, p. 281).

  95. 95.

    Taylor (2009a, p. 7).

  96. 96.

    Taylor (2009a, pp. 7, 10).

  97. 97.

    Taylor (2009a, p. 10) and Kerr (2009, p. 207).

  98. 98.

    Rabushka and Shepsle (1972, p. 207).

  99. 99.

    McGarry and O’Leary 2009b, p. 352.

  100. 100.

    O’Leary 2004, p. 263.

  101. 101.

    McGarry and O’Leary 2009b, p. 349.

  102. 102.

    McGarry and O’Leary 2009a, p. 34.

  103. 103.

    O’Leary 2005, p. 14.

  104. 104.

    O’Leary 2005, p. 40.

  105. 105.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009b, p. 352).

  106. 106.

    O’Leary 2004, p. 263.

  107. 107.

    O’Leary (2004, p. 263).

  108. 108.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009a, p. 51).

  109. 109.

    Farry (2009, p. 170).

  110. 110.

    Wilson (2009, p. 226).

  111. 111.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009a, p. 80).

  112. 112.

    Schwartz (2011, p. 350).

  113. 113.

    Schwartz (2011, p. 351).

  114. 114.

    Schwartz (2011, p. 361).

  115. 115.

    Schwartz (2011, p. 361).

  116. 116.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2007, pp. 76–77).

  117. 117.

    O’Leary (2004, p. 267).

  118. 118.

    O’Leary (2004, p. 267).

  119. 119.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009a, p. 71).

  120. 120.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009a, p. 71).

  121. 121.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009b, p. 349.

  122. 122.

    O’Leary (2004, p. 270).

  123. 123.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009a, p. 34.

  124. 124.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009b, p. 360).

  125. 125.

    Wolff (2009, p. 112).

  126. 126.

    Moloney (2008, p. xi).

  127. 127.

    Moloney (2008, p. 209).

  128. 128.

    Moloney 2008, p. 84.

  129. 129.

    Ed Moloney’s book provides details of many such episodes (Moloney 2008, pp. 84, 132, 134, 156, 161, 174, 178, 183, 188).

  130. 130.

    Moloney (2008, p. 441).

  131. 131.

    Moloney (2008, p. 227).

  132. 132.

    Burns (2010, p. 2).

  133. 133.

    Burns (2010, pp. 2–3).

  134. 134.

    Those who have been attempting to destabilize the government and society in Northern Ireland since 1998, claiming that their motivation is the pursuit of a united Ireland, are described as “dissidents” in this book. This is because this is the term commonly used to describe them in the international press and among academic observers.

  135. 135.

    More debate concerning this issue can be found in these sources: McGarry and O’Leary (2009b, pp. 369, 371, 385, 386), Cash (2009, pp. 250, 251), and Taylor (2009b, p. 325).

  136. 136.

    Independent Monitoring Commission (2011, p. 12).

  137. 137.

    & The website provides additional information regarding violence arguably motivated by intergroup division, and the extent of support for its perpetrators.

  138. 138.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009a, p. 51).

  139. 139.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009a, p. 51).

  140. 140.

    Evans and Tonge (2012, p. 67).

  141. 141.

    Burns (2010), “2011 Northern Ireland riots”, “2012 North Belfast riots”, Taggart et al. (2013), and McDonald (2013).

  142. 142.

    Horgan (2013, pp. 62–63).

  143. 143.

    Horgan (2013, pp. 49, 50).

  144. 144.

    Horgan (2013, p. 50).

  145. 145.

    Tonge (2011, p. 110) and Evans and Tonge (2012, p. 68).

  146. 146.

    Horgan (2013, p. 65).

  147. 147.

    McCann (2010, p. 1), “The Real”, “Fears”, Adams (2010, p. 1), and Townsend (2010, p. 2).

  148. 148.

    Evans and Tonge (2012, p. 64).

  149. 149.

    Evans and Tonge (2012, p. 64).

  150. 150.

    Tonge (2012, p. 224).

  151. 151.

    McDonald (2010, p. 1).

  152. 152.

    Tonge (2011, p. 107).

  153. 153.

    Evans and Tonge (2012, p. 65).

  154. 154.

    Tonge (2011, p. 114).

  155. 155.

    The Agreement: Agreement reached in the multi-party negotiations, April 10, 1998, p. 2.

  156. 156.

    & Further discussion of the motivations for recent dissident violence is provided on the website.

  157. 157.

    Nalton et al. (2011, p. 136).

  158. 158.

    Nalton et al. (2011, p. 136).

  159. 159.

    A list of shared goals is provided here: Horgan (2013, p. 106).

  160. 160.

    Horgan (2013, pp. 60, 105, 126, 131, 150, 155).

  161. 161.

    Horgan (2013, p. 131).

  162. 162.

    Rabushka and Shepsle (2009, p. 227).

  163. 163.

    Rabushka and Shepsle (1972, p. 207).

  164. 164.

    Tonge (2011, p. 107).

  165. 165.

    Bean (2012, p. 211).

  166. 166.

    Bean (2012, p. 211).

  167. 167.

    Tonge (2011, p. 114) and Bean (2012, p. 211).

  168. 168.

    McLaughlin and Baker (2012, p. 292).

  169. 169.

    McLaughlin and Baker (2012, p. 292).

  170. 170.

    Bean (2012, p. 216).

  171. 171.

    Bean (2012, p. 211) and Currie (2011, p. 171).

  172. 172.

    Townsend (2010, p. 2), Frampton (2010, p. 2), Nalton (2011, p. 121), and Horgan and Gill (2011, p. 53).

  173. 173.

    O’Boyle (2002, p. 24).

  174. 174.

    O’Boyle (2002, p. 24).

  175. 175.

    O’Boyle (2002, p. 25).

  176. 176.

    O’Boyle (2002, p. 32).

  177. 177.

    Moriarty (2010a, p. 1; 2010b, p. 3) and Rowan (2010, p. 5).

  178. 178.

    O’Boyle (2006, p. 215).

  179. 179.

    O’Boyle (2006, p. 216).

  180. 180.

    Bean (2012, p. 217).

  181. 181.

    & More information concerning the relationship between socialism and republicanism is provided on the website.

  182. 182.

    Bean (2012, p. 214).

  183. 183.

    Murtagh and Shirlow (2012, p. 51).

  184. 184.

    McGarry and O’Leary (1995, pp. 289–290).

  185. 185.

    Details concerning the current demographic situation can be found in these sources: Taylor (2009a, p. 9), McGarry and O’Leary (2009a, p. 35, 73n), Guelke (2009, pp. 102, 103), O’Dowd (2009, p. 303), and McGarry and O’Leary (2009b, pp. 340, 341).

  186. 186.

    Mitchell et al. (2009, p. 397).

  187. 187.

    Mitchell et al. (2009, p. 417).

  188. 188.

    Moloney (2008, pp. 513–514).

  189. 189.

    Moloney (2008, p. 514).

  190. 190.

    Moloney (2008, p. 512).

  191. 191.

    McGarry and O’Leary (2009a, p. 35n; 2009b, p. 341).

  192. 192.

    & More information concerning the DUP’s entrance into consociational government with SF is on the website.

  193. 193.

    Lijphart (1975, p. 99).

  194. 194.

    Lijphart (1975, pp. 100, 101).

  195. 195.

    Lijphart (1975, p. 100).

  196. 196.

    Bean (2012, p. 215).

  197. 197.

    Murtagh and Shirlow (2012, p. 55).

  198. 198.

    Murtagh and Shirlow (2012, p. 51).

  199. 199.

    Horgan and Gill (2011, p. 58).

  200. 200.

    Horgan (2013, pp. 96, 97).

  201. 201.

    & More information about the backgrounds of dissidents is provided on the website.

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Kelly, B.B. (2019). Newer Political Systems Yielding Valuable Insights Concerning Consociation: South Africa and Northern Ireland. In: Power-Sharing and Consociational Theory. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14191-2_9

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