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Why and How Criminology Must Integrate Individuals and Environments

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Studying Situational Interaction

Part of the book series: SpringerBriefs in Criminology ((BRIEFSCRIMINOL))

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Abstract

This chapter describes the problems and solutions that justify the need for appropriate analysis of the convergence of people in environments to explain action. Thus, it justifies the research approach and methods that are described and explained in this volume.

Criminology is plagued by the fragmentation of environmental and psychological approaches. Limited attempts at integration display fundamentally different, incompatible approaches to the question of how to integrate individuals and environments in behavioural research. Furthermore, criminology has traditionally studied the factors related to concentrations of crime in either people or places, but not the factors implicated in an explanation of acts of crime (behaviour). Welcomed event-focused approaches are hindered by not identifying an action process that specifies the precise mechanism by which (how) both individual and environmental factors are relevant to acts of crime.

This chapter justifies the need to consider features of both individuals and environments in the study of the causes of acts of crime, as opposed to studying factors related to aggregates of crime in either individuals or environments. It details why an interactive, rather than additive, worldview is essential to research that is best able to inform effective crime prevention policy and practice. The two key questions addressed are therefore why and how criminology should integrate individuals and environments to explain crime. Understanding the answers to these questions is crucial to appreciation of appropriate analysis of situational interaction. If researchers do not see the issues raised in this chapter as problematic and fundamental, they will fail to see the value of the solution. Since the solution is the research approach and methods that are the main topic of this volume, this chapter justifies the volume.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Wikström defines a place as a ‘geographic location and its immediate environment, which includes other people present, the activities going on and its physical layout’ (Wikström, 2019 p.266) (i.e. the social and physical environment of a particular geographical location). Environmental effects (both physical and social) are often termed ‘situational’ (Bottoms & Wiles, 2002; Wilcox & Cullen, 2018); however, the terms ‘environment’ and ‘situation’ are crucially different and are delineated in Chap. 2.

  2. 2.

    The Brantinghams argue that environmental criminology requires an understanding of the coming together of offenders, criminal targets, and time- and place-relevant laws (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1991). This definition of ‘environmental criminology’ is often understandably interpreted as integrating person and environment. However, the Brantinghams do not go on to specify a model of action that details how person-environment interaction results in acts of crime; instead they posit factors that predict spatial concentrations of crime (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1984; Brantingham & Brantingham, 1993).

  3. 3.

    Some newer and innovative research studies that might appear to integrate people into environmental criminology arguably still fall short. For example, there is increasing research interest in the role of ambient (as opposed to resident) populations in spatial distributions of crime (e.g. Felson & Boivin, 2015; Hanaoka, 2018; Malleson & Andresen, 2016); however, with the exception of analysis by Wikström et al. (2012, pp. 311–319), there is little consideration of the nature of the varying features of those people who are present, in part due to the limitations of the kinds of ‘big data’ most often used (Hardie & Wikström, in press; see further Chap. 4). Another example is Summers and Guerette’s attempt to consider individuals’ perception of, interactions with, and exposure to environments (Summers & Guerette, 2018). However, they fail to address the content of individual variation (i.e. relevant features of people); therefore, neglecting that differing perceptions of and interactions with environments mean that when it comes to explaining an act of crime, individuals differ in their susceptibility to environmental effects.

  4. 4.

    The major exception is the Peterborough Adolescent and Young Adult Development Study (PADS+) which was specifically designed to empirically study Situational Action Theory (Treiber, 2017) and is able to empirically study both the developmental effects of exposure to contexts (Wikström et al., forthcoming) and also the effect of features of contexts on action (Beier, 2018; Hardie, 2019; Wikström et al., 2012; Wikström, Ceccato, Hardie, & Treiber, 2010; Wikström, Mann, & Hardie, 2018).

  5. 5.

    Within the framework that is fundamental to this volume (SAT), a few studies have explained crime concentrations in people (criminality, e.g. Wikström et al., forthcoming) and places (hotspots, e.g. Wikström et al., 2012, pp. 311–319) by first explaining acts of crime, which then allows analysis of how and why they become aggregated.

  6. 6.

    See Sutherland and Cressey (1970, pp. 73–74) and Manski (1978) for related discussion of the level of study.

  7. 7.

    Efforts have been made to integrate control and opportunity theories of crime (e.g. Felson, 1986; P. Wilcox, Land, & Hunt, 2003). Such a project is conceivable because of a shared assumption of self-interested human behaviour, which implies that actors aim to maximise pleasure and minimise pain. This rational choice perspective determines that the decision to commit an act of crime results from a cognitive calculation which determines that the benefits of an act of crime outweigh the costs. Opportunity and controls are therefore fundamental to this choice, which is rational in the sense that it is self-interested. This assumption of the nature of human action is problematic because it ignores that human nature is not compelled by self-interest alone (Barton-Crosby, forthcoming; Wikström, 2005, 2006). Thus, opportunity and control perspectives, and attempts to integrate them, fall foul of this problematic assumption of the nature of human action. For a discussion, see Hardie (2017, pp. 134–138).

  8. 8.

    Society, crime prevention, and criminological research are discussed from a Western perspective in this volume.

  9. 9.

    An explosion in applications of new ‘big data’ sources to the study of crime will contribute to a continuation of this situation; many such studies are conducted by computational scientists who are mostly data-driven non-criminologists who identify correlates (particularly of spatial concentrations) rather than study causes of crime (see Snaphaan & Hardyns, 2019).

  10. 10.

    This corresponds to a realist position (Wikström, 2007b), which states that ‘capable successful intervention into the social realm likely necessitates, and always stands to benefit from, explicit social ontological reasoning’ (Lawson, 2019, p. 4), where ontology means ‘investigation into the nature, basic constitution and modes of being of stuff, of all phenomena’ (Lawson, 2019, p. 21).

  11. 11.

    There follows an illustration of the difference between the additive and interactive approaches to the integration of individual and environmental insights. Reckless (1940) rightly argued that consideration of individual differences in response to exposure was lacking from the prominent theories of crime of the time, which focused on environmental factors. However, he asks ‘what is the difference between those who are and those who are not affected? What sorts of individuals are they who succumb and what sorts are they who remain immune?’ (Reckless, 1940, p. 444). By asking what the individual differences are, as opposed to how (by what specific mechanisms) those differences mean that the individual responds to the environment differently, Reckless demonstrates an additive approach to the integration of person- and environment- oriented understandings of the causes of crime.

  12. 12.

    Not all parts of SAT’s situational model have received equal empirical attention. For example, the role of motivation in the situational process is particularly under-researched (for discussion, see Barton-Crosby, 2018; Barton-Crosby & Hirtenlehner, 2020).

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Hardie, B. (2020). Why and How Criminology Must Integrate Individuals and Environments. In: Studying Situational Interaction. SpringerBriefs in Criminology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46194-2_1

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