Abstract
Champollion’s Europe is characterised by the frictions with revolutionary and Napoleonic France. The notions of both freedom and nationalism drew their justification from the French claim to hegemony, which was itself based on an enlightened universalism and legitimised as civilisational mission. France was in competition with its neighbours, not only militarily, but also ideologically and culturally. Jean-François Champollion was himself a fervent patriot. He looked at France in the tradition of revolutionary thought: as the country of an enlightened civilisation which represented not only a modern society but also a place in whose political culture freedom, equality, and brotherhood had universal validity, and which consequently held the well-being of all humankind in its hands. If Egypt represented for Champollion the genesis of civilisation which enabled formerly ‘barbarian’ human beings to become civilised human subjects, France represented the origins of modern humanity. Despite and because this deep conviction of this heritage of legitimacy, Champollion’s project is inscribed in what might be called a first truly European research project: the scientific and public debate about the decipherment of the Egyptian hieroglyphs.
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Notes
- 1.
I borrow this term from Jan Assmann (2000: 9f.) and his reflections on Hegel’s notion of Geist (spirit).
- 2.
See Haupt (1994: 278–283).
- 3.
See Trabant (2002: particularly 60–61 and 107–114).
- 4.
The first position is reflected in an exemplary fashion in Antoine de Rivarol’s famous sentence: ‘Whatever is not clear is not French; whatever is not clear remains English, Italian, Greek, or Latin’ (1784: 162). For a contrasting position, see Voltaire’s entry ‘François’ in the Dictionnaire philosophique ([1757] 1879: 185).
- 5.
Doblhofer ([1957] 2000: 84).
- 6.
Young (1823): ‘Preface’, x.
- 7.
See Doblhofer ([1957] 2000: 57).
- 8.
For a discussion of the early phase of the work on the inscriptions on the Rosetta Stone, see Bénédicte Savoy (2009).
- 9.
Devere in Salt (1827), Avant-propos du traducteur, iv.
- 10.
See La Brière (1897: 73).
- 11.
Quoted from La Brière (1897: 73).
- 12.
For de Sacy’s politics concerning Champollion see Robinson (2012: 92f.).
- 13.
See Silvestre de Sacy (1825) and Thomasson (2014). It is very likely that these political reasons, in the wider sense, caused Champollion in 1827 to leave the prestigious Société asiatique (Society for Oriental and Asiatic Studies) founded in 1822, whose president was Silvestre de Sacy. The official reason for this step, namely, Champollion’s imminent trip to Egypt, hardly seems plausible: why would he not have simply put his membership in the learned society on hold? I thank Annick Fenet, the archivist of the Société asiatique, for this information.
- 14.
See Messling (2014a).
- 15.
Silvestre de Sacy (1833: 45). There is another reason for this belated homage to Champollion: this speech in honour of Champollion was also Silvestre de Sacy’s inaugural speech as secretary in perpetuity of the Académie royale des inscriptions et belles-lettres. At this occasion, Silvestre de Sacy could not avoid mentioning this institution’s most famous member. Yet even in this context, knowing full well the importance of Champollion’s contribution to academia, de Sacy managed to introduce a moment of ambivalence: ‘We do not want to say that Egyptian antiquity now no longer holds any mystery. Perhaps there remains in the graphic system of the Egyptians a secret which eluded the efforts of the new Oedipus, and which will elude the efforts of his successors for a long time still’ (ibid.: 32).
- 16.
See above all the chapter ‘Napoleon and Champollion’ in Robinson (2012: 92–108), also Haupt (1994: 284f.) and Hintze (1973: 12). Napoleon himself must have amplified, in the mind of the young history professor, this image of himself as a statesman favouring science and research by personally promising Champollion that he would publish Champollion’s grammar and dictionary of the Coptic language during his ‘100 days’; see Dewachter (1990: 36).
- 17.
It is striking that in central parts of Champollion’s famous Lettre à M. Dacier from 1822, in which he praises the achievements of French science, he uses the politically charged term ‘lumières’, which he considered to be the epistemological basis of French achievements in science and scholarship (see Champollion [1822] 1963: 17) as well as their result—in the sense of ‘lumières nouvelles’ (see Champollion [1822] 1963: 43).
- 18.
Champollion ([1836] 1984, Introduction: ij).
- 19.
See Champollion ([1836] 1984, Introduction: xvj).
- 20.
Champollion ([1822] 1963: 43).
- 21.
Champollion ([1836] 1984, Introduction: xxj and ij).
- 22.
See Fabre (2000: 27f.).
- 23.
Stoll (1996: 379f.).
- 24.
See Said ([1978] 1995: particularly 80ff.).
- 25.
- 26.
See Said ([1978] 1995: 87).
- 27.
Champollion ([1836] 1984, Introduction: ij–iij).
- 28.
Champollion (1909: 435).
- 29.
On the significance of writing for political organisation, and for the construction of ‘prospective memory’ and the development of historiography, see Assmann (1997: 169–177). The relevance of writing for the unity of states has been demonstrated by Jensen ([1935] 1969: 9f.). For the significance of writing for critical thinking and research, see Trabant (1990: 187f.) as well as Serres (2002: 18), who sees writing, book printing, and the internet as ‘technologies of an economy of forgetting’ which free up resources for intellectual accomplishments.
- 30.
Champollion ([1836] 1984, Introduction: ij).
- 31.
Champollion (1909: 430).
- 32.
This sober attitude towards actual conditions is quite indicative of Champollion. Perfectly aware of the problem of how his own experience during his travels was pre-structured, in his descriptions of Alexandria and Cairo he explicitly thematises and rejects typically simplistic and stereotypical assumptions, clearly articulating instead his aspiration towards real contact with the world and towards his own critical capacity (see Wiet 1950: 44f.;63f.). For a discussion of the myth of ‘Egypt’ as an ‘Orient’ offering a model of civilisation, see Stoll (1996: 374–378).
- 33.
One of the most efficient champions of modern Egypt was Edmé Francois Jomard, who painted a utopian image of Pharaonic greatness in the land of the Nile without taking into account the country’s real situation or the progress it had made (see Bret 2003: 5–14). Portrayals of Mehmet Ali stressing his progressive bent strongly predominated at the time, but there were European travellers who offered more diverse images of him, which were not always flattering (see Moussa 2003; also 2004).
- 34.
See Stoll (1996: 392–399).
- 35.
Champollion (1824, Préface: x).
- 36.
Champollion ([1836] 1984, Introduction: vj).
- 37.
Schlegel ([1808] 1977). Friedrich von Schlegel’s philological and political-religious project on ‘India’ also positions itself as a plea for a new Catholic humanism (see Schlegel [1808] 1977: Vorrede, particularly ix–xi) against the enthusiasm for the ‘Greece’ of the Enlightenment; see Trabant (2003: 241), Pille (2004), Bosse (2005), and Messling (2016: 130–137).
- 38.
Champollion ([1836] 1984, Introduction: vj).
- 39.
Champollion ([1836] 1984, Introduction vj; also xxij).
- 40.
I cannot pursue here the question of whether the cultural influence of the Pharaonic state on the Greek city states was indeed as immediate as Champollion suggests in this passage. The thesis of a tradition running from ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs to Greece via proto-Sinaitic script and Phoenician writing (represented in the genealogical tree of the alphabet in Doblhofer [1957] 2000: 42), which was never fully proven (see Müller [1822] 1963: 64), has been abandoned today in favour of the idea of the genesis of various alphabetic scripts in the Syrian-Palestinian area of contact. Egyptian hieroglyphs, as well as the Cretan writing system Linear-A, had a particularly strong influence on the cultures in this area, but this influence was not exclusive. Consequently, it must be assumed that the Phoenician writing system, whose importance for the Greek alphabet has been established, was the result of multilateral influence, and not only from the Egyptian sphere (see Haarmann 1991: 267–282). The complex history of script transfer suggests that the process of cultural transfer correctly identified by Champollion took place via different mediators, or that it was at least subject to additional influences. The later, concrete encounters which followed the conquest by Alexander the Great developed into Ptolemaic syncretism. The catacombs of Kom al-Shoqafa in Alexandria still bear witness to this today.
- 41.
Champollion ([1836] 1984, Introduction: vj).
- 42.
Champollion (1909: 436).
- 43.
Champollion (1909: 435).
- 44.
For a discussion of the revolutionary discourse of unity, see Trabant (2002: 40–61 and 1986: 49ff.), as well as Schlieben-Lange (1981). On the issue of original and universal language in the eighteenth century, see Eco (1995: 293–316 and 337–353), Krauss ([1978] 1987: 94–102), and Trabant (1998: 149–176).
- 45.
To be taken here in the original meaning of Greek gráphein, to write.
- 46.
Champollion (1824a, Au Roi: a1).
- 47.
Today, the belief in the exclusivity Egyptian writing’s influence on the development of the predecessors to European alphabetic writing system(s) is no longer shared (see again footnote 40).
- 48.
Champollion ([1822] 1963: 42), italics by M.M. Champollion’s famous text on the phonetic hieroglyphs from 1822 is addressed to Joseph Dacier, the permanent secretary of the Académie Royale des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.
- 49.
Champollion ([1822] 1963: 43).
- 50.
‘Quoted from Dewachter (1990: 21).
- 51.
- 52.
With hieroglyphic segmental script, the phonographic principle was introduced into the land of the Nile earlier than in the other ancient Oriental cultures; see Haarmann (1991: 212).
- 53.
There would have indeed existed in ancient Egypt an analogous myth for the Adamic naming in the biblical history of creation, namely in the perception of earthly objects being copies of the ideas of the Creator God, articulated in hieroglyphs by the God Thoth, the messenger of the Gods and inventor of writing (the Egyptian word for hieroglyphs is for this reason mdt ntr, ‘words of God’); see Assmann (2000: 86), as well as Assmann (1997: 174).
- 54.
Champollion (1824a, Préface: xj).
- 55.
Champollion ([1836] 1984, Introduction: xix).
- 56.
See the helpful analysis of the echoes of the biblical concept of origin and descent in the philology of the nineteenth century provided by Maurice Olender (1989), as well as the studies of Pascale Rabault-Feuerhahn (2008: particularly 195–252) and Suzanne L. Marchand (2009). Marchand emphasises that the wide-ranging secularisation of knowledge around the turn of the nineteenth century did not necessarily mean that theology left behind any reflection and discussion of the question of the origin; rather, the redefinition of the history of humanity in the nineteenth century implied a controversy about the place and the future of religion; see in particular Marchand (2009: xxviii–xxxiv).
- 57.
- 58.
See Chap. 4 of this book.
- 59.
Champollion ([1822] 1963: 3).
- 60.
For instance, Champollion writes to Champollion-Figeac about Young: ‘The discoveries of Doctor Young, so pompously announced, are nothing but bragging. … I honestly pity the unfortunate English travellers to Egypt, obliged to translate the inscriptions of Thebes with the passe-partout of Doctor Young in hand’; quoted from La Brière (1897: 65). And writing to his brother about Johann Georg Zoëga, he notes: ‘Zoëga has gathered an extraordinary quantity of material for an enormous construction … but has not yet laid one brick upon another!’; quoted from La Brière (1897: 65). These comments should nevertheless be seen in the context of the violent attacks on Champollion’s own achievements, which must have left him feeling quite bitter.
- 61.
Letter to Champollion-Figeac, date uncertain, quoted from La Brière (1897: 67).
- 62.
Silvestre de Sacy (1833: 34).
- 63.
- 64.
See Ian Coller’s (2011) foundational book on this first Arab immigration to France, which unfolds a social history of their intellectual and political role for the French society from Napoleon through the Bourbon Restoration up to the July Revolution.
- 65.
- 66.
See Louca (2006: 95–97).
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Messling, M. (2023). Philology and Nationalism. In: Philology and the Appropriation of the World . Socio-Historical Studies of the Social and Human Sciences. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12894-3_2
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