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Boundary Challenges from Abroad and from Neighbouring Disciplines

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Sociology in Greece

Part of the book series: Sociology Transformed ((SOTR))

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Abstract

Accounts of sociology in Greece (regardless of scope) give little attention to Cornelius Castoriadis and Nicos Poulantzas. Usually, the argument invoked is that the bulk of their intellectual life and contributions is of French origin. Particularly for Castoriadis, the unmistakable sociological aspects of his thought recede before philosophy and political theory. This chapter rectifies this appraisal and shows that in the case of Castoriadis the sociological current of his thought is at least as prominent as the aforementioned two and along with Poulantzas’ political sociology their interventions, lectures and impact in Greece provide sufficient and valid ground for a relevant re-classification. Moreover, the chapter makes a strong case for the consideration of Panagiotis Kondylis’ magnum opus, The Political and Man, which is, essentially, a powerful engagement with classical and contemporary sociological theory that enables Kondylis to appreciate sociology’s validity but also to build a conceptual tier underneath it, namely, social ontology. The chapter concludes with Psychopedis’ normative interdisciplinary research programme that accommodated sociological theory to epistemology.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In another apostrophe, Kyrtsis writes: ‘French intellectuals of Greek origin, like Nicos Poulantzas and Cornelius Castoriadis, who gained contact with the Greek public after the abolition of the dictatorship, and Nicos Mouzelis’ role as a distinguished scholar at the London School of Economics where many Greek social scientists studied, have both exercised a visible impact on the younger generation’ (1996, p. 11). We shall see later in this chapter that for scholars in Greece and abroad, Poulantzas and Castoriadis are also considered Greek intellectuals.

  2. 2.

    Somewhat different is the case of Nicos Mouzelis who figures in accounts of British sociology (Scott, 2020). Yet as we shall address in the next chapters, Mouzelis’ work is considered to represent Greek sociology too. In fact, Lambiri-Dimaki suggests that those considered to cultivate Greek sociology extend beyond those sociologists based at ‘universities or colleges’ in Greece but also those, like Mouzelis as she mentions, that ‘work abroad, but are active in Greece as well and that in their studies they address issues about Greek society’ (2000, p. 134). We find no reason why this category could not stretch to the past to include Castoriadis and Poulantzas.

  3. 3.

    Castoriadis’ thought works like a labyrinth as his work resists classification in any single knowledge domain (Dosse, 2015, p. 10). Dosse (367–368) connects Castoriadis to the sociological and ethnographic circle in France around Olivier Fressard. In Germany too Castoriadis’ work is taught in sociology modules (545, n.76).

  4. 4.

    All in-text citations from the 1944 original writings (Castoriadis, 1944a, 1944b, 1944c) reflect the respective English translations.

  5. 5.

    Meletopoulos (2008, pp. 54–57) confirms the neo-Kantian influence that emanated from young Castoriadis’ participation in the K. Tsatsos university tutorials under the neo-Kantian mind-set that had also shaped Kanellopoulos’ intellectual circles and the Heidelberg School (see Chap. 1). Meletopoulos rightly quotes the following passage: ‘It suffices to observe here that this is the decisive point from which the internal coherence of Kantianism leads to Hegelianism; Kantianism remains incomplete without Hegelianism and Hegelianism without Kantianism remains unfounded’ (Castoriadis, 2014b, p. 45). Yet in the 1988 annotations, Castoriadis writes that given the omission of the role of the imaginary in the early texts, his ideas ‘on the complementarity of Kantianism (criticism) and Hegelianism (universalism) […] do not coincide with the ideas I began articulating after 1965’ (42).

  6. 6.

    Castoriadis (1978, pp. 519–526) touches here on the poverty of demotic Greek and its defenders and proposes various models for enriching the conceptual accuracy of language in philosophy and in the social sciences. This is an issue that is pertinent to the ‘language question’ in Greece. For a sociological presentation of this debate, see Frangoudaki (1992).

  7. 7.

    For all of Castoriadis’ recourse to the political imaginary of autonomy in ancient Greece (see, e.g. 1983, 1997, pp. 84–107), the classical tradition he invokes fails to be linked up in his thought with sociology’s founders (Marx, Durkheim Weber). Generally, however, Castoriadis revisits systematically the ancient Greek heritage (see Castoriadis in Marker, 2018 [1989]). See also Haritopoulos (2000).

  8. 8.

    Axel Honneth (1995, pp. 180–181) discerns ‘surprising coincidences’ with Bergson’s vitalism. And for this reason, even if formulated in more tactful language compared to Habermas’ critique of Castoriadis, Honneth concludes that ‘fleeing from its own radicalism, his [Castoriadis’] theory of society leads in the end into a metaphysical cosmology which today can scarcely be discussed with rational arguments’ (183).

  9. 9.

    The Department of Sociology at the University of Crete had organized an international workshop on ‘Social Theory and the Work of Cornelius Castoriadis’ (28–30 September 2000). In commemorating the one hundredth-year anniversary from Castoriadis’ birth, the Department of Political Science at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki held the international conference titled ‘Cornelius Castoriadis, 1922–2022: One hundred years since the birth of the philosopher of autonomy’ (March 11–13, 2022). One of its broad areas of interest was sociology.

  10. 10.

    For the reception of Castoriadis in Greece and the wide attention his work received from the Greek press and the media, see Bitsakis (2005, p. 167).

  11. 11.

    Castoriadis refers to Jacob Burckhardt’s book History of Greek Culture that was published posthumously in two volumes (in 1898 and in 1902).

  12. 12.

    References to historical shapes of totalitarianism are a recurring motif in Castoriadis’ dissociation of magmatic creativity from a teleological or axiological philosophy of history that discerns dignified shapes of creativity onto historically binding institutions (the paradigm that brings together Plato, Aristotle, Kant, Hegel, Marx, Durkheim and Parsons, among others). In his words, ‘We do not approve of what contemporary history offers us, simply because it “is” or because it “tends to be”. Should we arrive at the conclusion that the most probable, even certain, tendency of contemporary history is the universal establishment of concentration camps, we would not deduce from this that we have to support them’ (Castoriadis, 1987, p. 100). And even in the 1989 lectures in Greece, Castoriadis adduces the value-neutral, as he claims, conception of the ‘imaginary’. Under this rubric, ‘Auschwitz is creation, requiring enormous imagination and plenty rationality’ (Castoriadis, 2000b, p. 82). Such programmatic invocations of the ontology of the imaginary risk reduction to a nominal and empty of normative content rendition of creation, which in the cases of mass extermination translates, obviously, to its antithesis (creation = creation and/or destruction). This is indeed what Castoriadis affirms (Athenians’ massacre of the Melians, the Inquisition, Auschwitz, the Gulag, the H-bomb) when he places such destructive eruptions under the rubric of the Greco-Western tradition which ‘created massive monstrosity’ (1983, p. 272).

  13. 13.

    The political act of ‘inconsistency’ is adduced by Castoriadis for the cases of Havel and Solzhenitsyn as ethically defensible standpoints under totalitarianism (Castoriadis, 1997, p. 113).

  14. 14.

    As these lines are written during the Russian invasion in Ukraine, it could be potentially interesting to ponder on the bestial shape of the imaginary and to seek the instituted probability modicum for such a violent imaginary’s disruption. We suspect that Castoriadis would be appalled at the sight of massive suffering and destruction in Ukraine but would, perhaps, reiterate that society ‘creates, each time, its proper or own world […]. It defends itself by defending its being-thus, that is to say, its proper world. It has boundaries—not necessarily geographical boundaries, but imaginary ones that are even more important, for the latter ensure that ideas, representations, and behaviors coming from the outside will be either metabolized or rejected—or, in borderline cases, will ultimately prove fatal to the existing institution of society. And society therefore has pushes, the first of which is the push tending towards its self-preservation’ (Castoriadis, 1992b, pp. 87–88). In a 1994 interview for the newspaper Sunday Eleftherotypia, Castoriadis offers alarmingly prescient insights on the still persistent attachment of ‘Russia, Ukraine, the Balkans, including Greece’ to a ‘medieval political situation’ and to Stalin’s and Lenin’s rehabilitation of a statist-‘religious’ dogma that draws on the Byzantine empire (see Castoriadis in Papadopoulou, 2000, pp. 22–23).

  15. 15.

    Castoriadis is not alone among Greek intellectuals’ penchant for social malaise diagnostics. Lambiri-Dimaki’s empirical study about the Greek journal To Dendro and how Greek non-sociologists (but holders of social/cultural capital) address society adopts Bourdieu’s term ‘spontaneous sociology’, ‘quasi-scholarly sociology’ and ‘amateur sociology’ (Lambiri-Dimaki, 2000, pp. 18–20).

  16. 16.

    This debate along with an intemperate exchange on totalitarianism and class struggle between Nicos Poulantzas and Jean-Pierre Faye was published in Greek in a single volume with a short prologue by Poulantzas (Poulantzas et al., 1981).

  17. 17.

    Ernesto Laclau published a long and nuanced exposition (and critique) of Poulantzas (and Miliband) (Laclau, 1975, 1977). Mouzelis (1978) rejoined the debate with a critical perspective on Laclau’s book.

  18. 18.

    This problem of Darstellung became the guiding thread for the research programme and journal Open Marxism which Kosmas Psychopedis promoted in Greece (and from which he launched his own qualified critique of Poulantzas’ structuralism). See, indicatively, Psychopedis (1992, 2001).

  19. 19.

    We take distance from other attempts that draw largely on personal life details to ‘demonstrate’ Poulantzas’ attachment to Greece (see Meletopoulos (2000, pp. 37–38), despite the author’s qualification (26) that Poulantzas can be considered equally a Greek, a French and an international intellectual).

  20. 20.

    Titos Patrikios is a highly esteemed and awarded Greek poet and novelist who had studied sociology at the École Pratique des Hautes Études in Paris.

  21. 21.

    Other notable collaborators of Open Marxism were the Frankfurt School and Adorno disciples Hans-Georg Backhaus and Helmut Reichelt who approached the logical exposition of categories in Marx’s late work through concepts drawn from Hegel’s Logic and from neo-Kantianism (Simmel; problem of validity [geltung]). It is under the rubric of the mediations between politics and problems of method that Psychopedis partially revises his agreement with Clarke and the latter’s charge that Poulantzas’ theory of the state regressed into functionalism.

  22. 22.

    The Nicos Poulantzas Institute (1997) (see https://poulantzas.gr/en/the-institute/) is affiliated to the SY.RIZ.A party, but even as Poulantzas friends and colleagues admit (Elefantis, 2006, p. 125), it has not yet promoted the Greek sociologist’s legacy to the degree his international reputation and relevance demand.

  23. 23.

    Poulantzas may have been irritated by Castoriadis’ pejorative remark in that book about ‘an industry of nylon thought’ to which the French specialize and include structuralism, various pseudo-psychoanalytical strands, Althusser, semiotics, and so on. (2000a, p. 50).

  24. 24.

    In a conference on ‘The continuing relevance of Panagiotis Kondylis’ thought’ held at the ancient site of Olympia between 26 and 28 of January 2018, none of the papers presented reflected the sociological crux of Kondylis’ book. (The remaining two and unwritten volumes would have been on ‘Society as a political collectivity’ and on ‘Identity, power, culture’.) Rather, most of the attention focused on the key text Power and Decision (1991) which proposes a descriptive (or value-free) theory of decisionist value relevancies and reflects a radicalized and non-normative neo-Kantian epistemology. Kondylis’ last and laborious venture to sociology is a continuation of this fundamental idea of perspectivism and decisionism in face of reality’s indeterminacy (see, e.g. Kondylis (1991, pp. 23–84)). On brief commentaries about Kondylis’ social ontology, see Kavoulakos (1999) and Tsivakou (2021).

  25. 25.

    In defining nihilism as the recognition that ‘appearance’ is the ‘only Being’, Kondylis adduces sociology once more. In the same passage, he writes ‘Nihilists limit themselves, therefore, to a psychological and sociological genealogy of ethics […]’ as they describe the genesis of how ‘in the context of social life, self-love, through institutions, is transformed to ethics […]’ (1981, p. 171).

  26. 26.

    For a critique of Kondylis’ appropriation of Weberian sociology, see Faraklas (2018).

  27. 27.

    Prior to this work, Kondylis had demonstrated his approach in the context of Greek Enlightenment that considers ‘sociological analysis’ to be an important extension of the philosophical arsenal in explaining the shaping of ideas (Kondylis, 1988, p. 13).

  28. 28.

    In this sense, the penchant for polemics and intemperance that compromises descriptive, explanatory and prescriptive adequacy, even by Greece’s foremost intellectuals, could be approached through a sociology of Greek intellectuals’ public discourse.

  29. 29.

    Sakis Karagiorgas (1930–1985) was Rector at Panteion University and an active member of the resistance against the Greek junta. He has become an emblematic figure since his untimely death and the foundation under his name, established in 1989, addresses interdisciplinary issues on the social, economic and political aspects of the state. On Karagiorgas and his era, see Psalidopoulos (1999, pp. 265–271).

  30. 30.

    Such interest in social and sociological theory led to the publication of a valuable reader (with texts from Marx, Menger, Durkheim, Weber to Althusser, Parsons, Giddens and Luhmann (Kouzelis & Psychopedis, 1994)) for Greek students given the then relative lack of available sources in translation.

  31. 31.

    For a systematic critique of Kondylis relativist decisionism (as an amalgam of Weber’s value-relativism, Nietzsche’s will-to-power, Schmitt’s ‘friend-enemy’ distinction and Menger’s formal indeterminacy), see Psychopedis (1999).

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Acknowledgements

Raymond Petridis provided invaluable information about Kondylis’ thought, and the conversations held with him illuminated grey areas. We are grateful to his insights and enthusiasm.

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Gangas, S., Lagoumitzi, G. (2022). Boundary Challenges from Abroad and from Neighbouring Disciplines. In: Sociology in Greece. Sociology Transformed. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16190-2_4

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