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Accessibility in Cities: Transport and Urban Form

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Disrupting Mobility

Part of the book series: Lecture Notes in Mobility ((LNMOB))

Abstract

This chapter reviews the different pathways which cities are following to become more accessible. By identifying the close link between transport and urban form based on global evidence, it highlights the direct and indirect costs of choices made. It then presents the tipping points which can allow to proceed from sprawling urban development and conventional motorised transport to more compact cities characterised by innovative mobility choices shaped around shared and public transport. The examples used are based on cities worldwide to illustrate emerging trends from both developed and developing countries. Therefore, the recommendations are valuable for a range of stakeholders including local and national policy makers, academics and vehicle manufacturers.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Accessibility is frequently contrasted with mobility-based frameworks that dominate urban transport policy (Litman 2009) and draws attention to the interaction of transport conditions, land-use patterns and individual attributes in determining how easily residents of a city can access a range of social and economic opportunities. It has been defined here as: “the extent to which land-use and transport systems enable (groups of) individuals to reach activities or destinations by means of a (combination of) transport mode(s)” [114 p. 128].

  2. 2.

    We define compact urban growth (which can be both new urban development and urban retrofitting) as urban development which is characterised by human-scale built environments with higher density, mixed-use urban form and high quality urban design. Compact urban development typically focuses on urban regeneration, the revitalisation of urban cores, the promotion of public and non-motorised transport, and high standards of urban management [64]. Related concepts include the European City model, smart growth and transit oriented development (TOD).

  3. 3.

    It is important to note that a range of earlier studies were more critical of the potential of reducing travel demand through higher residential densities [36, 39, 72, 76, 81, 97]. However, these studies also tended to look at density in isolation and independent from related changes such as mix use or design quality. Studies supporting the land use transport pattern impacts further include [33, 35, 111].

  4. 4.

    Urban freight transport accounts for 31% of energy use and CO2 emissions throughout Europe [86].

  5. 5.

    Embedded emissions are upstream CO2 emissions from energy used for transport, housing or the production of goods and services [51]. These also include emissions that occur as part of constructing or building transport infrastructure or vehicles.

  6. 6.

    Rapid urbanisation in conjunction with population growth in developing countries and maintenance of existing transport and urban infrastructure in developed countries impose high demand for building materials. 30 billion tonnes of concrete were consumed in 2006 in contrast to 2 billion tonnes in 1950 [186], while cement production accounts for 5% of global anthropogenic CO2 emissions [181].

  7. 7.

    The maximum capacity levels of metro rail systems typically exceeds BRT by a factor of 1.5.

  8. 8.

    In Sao Paulo, the most sprawling and socially segregated city of the three, the most disadvantaged groups are on average required to travel twice as long to access basic services as the most privileged—a pattern that does not exist in more compact and socially mixed Istanbul and Mumbai [151].

  9. 9.

    While European and American cities have seen the strongest decline of public transport during the post-war decades, negative trends stabilised or even reversed from the 1990s onwards, most notably in larger cities with historically well-established metro and regional rail systems. High income cities in Asia such as Hong Kong, Singapore and most cities in Japan were able to maintain a public transport share of up to 70–90% due to high investment in public transport and a land-use integrated urban planning framework. Developing cities in Asia, Africa and Latin America have registered a greater variation of trends.

  10. 10.

    Over the last decade, the growth of motor vehicles in China has been exponential [105, 163]. In 2000, the number of motor vehicles per thousand people in China was 7, increasing to 44 in 2010 and 54 in 2011 (World Bank, Supporting Reports II - Urban China, 2014.). At the moment there are two hundred times as many motor vehicles (including two-wheelers) in India as there were fifty years ago, with the numbers increasing from 0.7 million in 1961 to 142 million in 2011.

  11. 11.

    Italy has over 600 cars per 1000 people, Australia 556 and Germany 517. In contrast, Brazil has 179, South Africa 112, China 44 and Indonesia 37 passenger cars per 1000 inhabitants; however these countries have higher growth rates compared to developed countries (World Bank, Supporting Reports II - Urban China, 2014.). At the same time, medium-income megacities have car ownership levels similar or even higher than those in western megacities: 465, 294 and 206 in Sao Paulo, Mexico City and Johannesburg respectively compared to 209 in New York and 331 in London [27].

  12. 12.

    Less conservative studies estimate the vehicle stock could increase to 2 billion by 2030 if motorisation levels across 45 countries accounting for 75% of the world’s population continue to grow on a business-as-usual scenario [41].

  13. 13.

    India will retain lower vehicle volumes, reflected in the low motorisation index which measures the number of vehicles per 1000 citizens. Still, by 2035, three times as many motor vehicles are expected to be on Indian roads as there were in 2005 [61].

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Acknowledgements

Nick Godfrey, Isher Judge Ahluwalia, Dimitri Zenghelis, Ian de Cruz, Daniele Viappiani, Jeremy Oppenheim, Ricky Burdett, Rachel Lewis.

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This chapter is an updated and condensed version of the NCE Paper 03 Accessibility in Cities: Transport and Urban Form which was an output of the New Climate Economy project of the Global Commission on the Economy and Climate (www.newclimateeconomy.net). The latest version of that paper is available by LSE Cities (https://lsecities.net/publications/reports/the-new-climate-economy-report). It builds on the LSE Cities research and publications including the Green Cities and Buildings chapters for UNEP’s Green Economy Report, P. Rode’s research on integrated planning, design and transport and research by the LSE’s Economics of Green Cities programme led by G. Floater, P. Rode and D. Zenghelis.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. LSE Cities, London School of Economics and Political Science, Houghton Street, London, WC2A 2AE, UK

    Philipp Rode, Graham Floater, James Docherty & Peter Schwinger

  2. Systems Management and Strategy, University of Greenwiche, Old Royal Naval College, London, SE10 9LS, UK

    Nikolas Thomopoulos

  3. World Resources Institute, New Delhi, India

    Anjali Mahendra

  4. World Bank, Washington D.C, USA

    Wanli Fang

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    Gereon Meyer

  2. Transport.Sustainability Research Center, University of California, Berkeley Transport.Sustainability Research Center, Richmond, California, USA

    Susan Shaheen

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Rode, P. et al. (2017). Accessibility in Cities: Transport and Urban Form. In: Meyer, G., Shaheen, S. (eds) Disrupting Mobility. Lecture Notes in Mobility. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51602-8_15

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