Abstract
This chapter asks first what is infrastructure or more importantly infrastructures as the physical artefacts and technologies are inextricably intertwined with complex economic, social and ecological systems. This is central to the first dimension of equity considered, distributional equity. Infrastructures allocate different ‘goods’ spatially, and to population groups therefore to understand the impacts of infrastructures upon distributional equity it is important to understand what exactly they are and what goods they produce. Second, planning and the planning of infrastructures highlight the importance of procedural equity and equality of input into the process. The next section examines definitions of equity and their application to urban planning and urban infrastructure. This draws upon three philosophical analyses of the concept and ways in which it has been recently applied to develop principles that could reshape the way infrastructure is planned and provided. A framework is developed to illustrate the ways in which the planning of urban infrastructure might be used to establish more equitable outcomes. This is based upon a vertical axis along which procedural inputs influence the way the planning process allocates distributional outputs. These are distributed along a horizontal axis of benefits and burdens with the planning process used as a means of establishing minimum and maximum permissible thresholds. As the examples of infrastructure that has been planned and delivered specifically to address issues of social equity are few and far between, the chapter is interspersed with examples of where some dimensions have been addressed either explicitly or indirectly.
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Notes
- 1.
The attachment to certain places and landscapes identified by Patrick Devine-Wright (2013) and often dismissed by (in this case renewable energy infrastructure) project promoters as NIMBYism (Not in My Back Yard) is an example of the type of local knowledge which if ignored can generate opposition and resulting costs and delays for project promoters. In contrast the Berger Inquiry into the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline in Canada’s Northwest Territories is often cited (Torgeson 2003) as a positive example of the inclusion of local and indigenous knowledge.
- 2.
Whilst in practice such calculations are rarely overt and can be masked behind practices such as CBA one can find examples, particularly in the Global South where little weight is given to the health impacts of new road infrastructure (Klopp 2012). However, in the Global North, where arguably the need for basic economic development is less pressing there is still considerable spending on road infrastructure despite the known health and environmental costs (see Metz 2008) with action on air quality particularly slow in the UK.
- 3.
There is insufficient space to go into detail on what such a process might look like although in many cases it goes beyond a simple series of public meetings or an instrumental ‘consultation’ exercise. These may well form part of the process however in areas such as appraisal where the details are technical in nature what may be called for are citizens juries or ‘mini-publics’ (Mackenzie and Warren 2012) where a smaller group of citizens is given an opportunity to interrogate the assumptions and practices in more detail.
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Durrant, D. (2017). Infrastructure, Equity and Urban Planning: A Just Process for the Allocation of Benefits and Burdens. In: Bishop, J. (eds) Building Sustainable Cities of the Future. Green Energy and Technology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-54458-8_8
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