Abstract
This chapter challenges the misleading dualism of gender and highlights the implicit heterosexism of current literature on informal care, providing an alternative approach to gender which focuses on multiple dimensions of difference. Closely related to this alternative approach is the necessity to underscore the fundamental importance of emotions in creating a link between agency and structure, that is, between individual action and interaction, on the one hand, and the emergence, maintenance and transformation of social structure, on the other.
Isn’t it crazy, with all people in the world, to put all our eggs into the one basket of a family consisting of four people? How can we create new social forms, new forms of association and solidarity that fulfil people’s needs of intimacy in new ways?
Joan Williams
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Notes
- 1.
It is probably worth noting that when I talk about “gay and lesbian parents” I am not referring to an assumed (and debatable) presence of a community of gay and lesbian parents as such, but only to a specific subset of people who are involved in important childcare responsibilities and who define themselves as gay men and lesbian women. The main focus of this book, as mentioned elsewhere, is gay and lesbian parents, that is, carers involved in childcare, whose label “gay” and “lesbian” and whose belonging/status membership to an alleged gay/lesbian community at large are put into question, as we shall see, precisely by their parenthood status.
- 2.
This adjective should be intended here in the sense indicated by Jack Katz (2001) when he uses the rubric analytic research dropping the reference to “induction” to signal both his departure from several aspects of the tradition of analytic induction and his debt to the tradition’s essential guide to research practice. “Analytic field studies will not produce ‘proof,’ i.e. artefacts of evidence which speak in a standard language or specialised fashion about representativeness, reliability, and so forth. […] But analytic fieldwork does create an elaborate framework which can be used by researchers to assess how well they are doing and by readers to make evaluations. That framework is a social system, which, applied consistently in field research, will: force the researcher to focus on social process as experienced from within; induce research subjects to act toward the researcher as a meaningful member of the native world; enfranchise readers as colleagues competent to make an independent analysis of the relation between data and explanation; and shape a role which subsequent researchers can readily take up for testing substantive findings” (Katz 2001: 334).
- 3.
The main contribution of a phenomenologically oriented approach to qualitative research is twofold. On the one hand, it allows us to use the lifeworld as a source of evidence for our enquiries; on the other, it allows us to look for good ways of describing the “whatness” (what it is and what makes it what it is) of a phenomenon as it appears, so that we may better understand its nature, more than to build a whole and exhaustive theory.
- 4.
For an overview of possible relationships between care and justice, see also Joan Tronto, “Beyond Gender Difference to a Theory of Care”, Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 1987, vol. 12, no. 4: 644–663, Moral Boundaries: A Political Argument for an Ethic of Care, New York, Routledge, 1993; Virginia Held (Ed.) Justice and Care, Boulder, Colo., Westview Press, 1995; Diemut Bubeck, Care, Gender, and Justice, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995; Robin West, Caring for Justice, New York, New York University Press, 1997; Nel Noddings, Caring, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 2003 (1984); Sara Ruddick, “Care as Labor and Relationship”, in Haber and Halfon (Eds.) Norms and Values, Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1998, 3–25.
- 5.
She defined this “mystique” as the worthlessness women feel in roles that require them to be financially, intellectually and emotionally dependent upon their husbands. Through her findings, Friedan hypothesised that women are victims of a false belief system that requires them to find identity and meaning in their lives through their husbands and children.
- 6.
See Carol Gilligan, “In a Different Voice: Women’s Conceptions of Self and of Morality”, Harvard Educational Review 47, no. 4: 431–46; In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1982.
- 7.
- 8.
“The possibility that an ethic of care might lead to the reinforcement of existing social patterns also raises the question of relativism. It is difficult to imagine how an ethic of care could avoid the charge that it would embody different moral positions in different societies and at different times. […] The only way an ethic of care could entirely bypass the charge of relativism would be to posit some caring relationships, for example, the relationship of parent and child, as universal. This path, however, seems fraught with even greater difficulties for feminist scholars and prejudges in an unacceptably narrow way who ‘caretakers’ should be. […] The only other way to resolve this problem is to specify how social institutions might be arranged to expand these conventional understandings of the boundaries of care. Thus, the legitimacy of an ethic of care will depend on the adequacy of the social and political theory of which it is a part” (Tronto 1987: 661).
- 9.
Distributive justice is concerned with the normative principles designed to guide the fair allocation of the benefits, resources and burdens among diverse members of a community. Fair allocation typically takes into account the total amount of goods to be distributed, the distributing procedure and the patterns of distribution that result.
- 10.
Bubeck disagrees with those Marxists who claim that it is primarily the capitalist who benefits from women’s household work. She also finds limited and limiting those feminist scholars who argue that it is husbands who benefit. Rather, it is all men who benefit from women’s unpaid work, she maintains. We need to look at care as work, she says, in which women engage and are exploited. Therefore, care is most of all an exploitative practice. This is why Bubeck is less sympathetic to those feminist accounts, such as Noddings’ (1984) which, by overlooking the exploitative nature of care, reinscribe its oppressive functions.
- 11.
The gender strategy encompasses a course of action informed by cultural messages regarding notions of “maleness” and “femaleness”, as well as the emotion work one does in pursuing a course of action.
- 12.
An interesting, early exception in the panorama of works on American families and relationships is represented by Blumstein and Schwartz’s American Couples (1983), which is a book about how the challenges of conventional marriages can be better understood through the study of unconventional families. This pioneering book was the result of an impressive large-scale survey of four types of couples: married, cohabiting, heterosexual, gay and lesbian, which is remarkable for that time. By comparing these groups, the authors investigated the influence of gender (or its lack thereof) on couple interactions and compared married couples with couples in unconventional relationships. However, the lack of an explicit theory and the lack of reference to prior work on family, gender and sexuality make the authors’ comparative comments somehow difficult to interpret.
- 13.
For a review of the literature criticising the role of domesticity in perpetuating and reinforcing class and racial hierarchies among women, see Joan Williams, Unbending Gender, (2000).
- 14.
Judith Butler, Bodies that Matter, (1993: 137).
- 15.
The ethic of care should be situated in the context of existing political and social order. Social and political institutions that constitute the context of moral actors should be clearly specified each time. “Perhaps the most important characteristic of an ethic of care is that, within it, moral situations are defined not in terms of rights and responsibilities but in terms of relationships of care. The morally mature person understands the balance between caring for the self and caring for others. The perspective of care requires that conflict be worked out without damage to the continuing relationships. Moral problems can be expressed in terms of accommodating the needs of the self and of others, of balancing competition and cooperation, and of maintaining the social web of relations in which one finds oneself” (Tronto 1987: 658).
- 16.
- 17.
“We even construct biological sex—whether one is male or female—in terms of opposites—‘the opposite sex’—setting up the sexes to be completely different and as potentially in conflict with each other. This is a social priority, NOT something that is naturally occurring. While the sexes may be different, they are not, in fact, opposite. The reality is that neither sexuality nor biological sex is made up of opposites; yet, our dominant meaning system imposes that structure. These are both examples of thinking straight—thinking in terms of opposites and polarities when none exist and naturalizing social practices and beliefs rather than seeing them as social, political, and economic creations” (Ingraham 2005: 2).
- 18.
Michelle Fine (1994) highlights how sociological research is often implicated in the process of othering. When researchers define a group or type of people as objects of curiosity and targets of study, the unconscious subtext may be that “these people are interesting because they are different from us”. To focus attention on a group in this way—that is, from the implicit standpoint of the dominant culture—is, in effect, to contribute to their continued othering (Schwalbe 2000). This is the reason why I emphasise, from the outset, that the main focus of this study is the “carer” (with no attributes) and his/her emotions. However, for the sake of clarity, I am obliged to use the labels same-sex parents and heterosexual parents, female and male carers and so on and, by doing this, I somehow contribute to the othering process.
- 19.
- 20.
In other works, Hochschild (1979, 1989) describes the feeling rules and emotion ideologies that, by specifying how individuals should feel in a given situation and compelling individuals to do emotion management, benefit the privileged and reinforce the subordinate positioning of the disadvantaged. In any social situation, individuals must engage in emotion management to adapt the presentation of self to emotion ideologies, feeling rules and display rules about appropriate attitudes and emotional responses in basic spheres of activity. As a general rule, the higher the social status, the more attention is paid to one’s own feelings; the lower the social status, the more likely one is to manage emotions in the service of someone of higher status. In addressing the relationships between gender, social class and emotion management, Hochschild points out one of the contrasts that could be interpreted as an important component for the analysis of what I have called doing care as well as a further justification for the focus of this study on upper/middle class carers. The author claims that “More emotion management goes on in the families and jobs of the upper classes than in those of the lower classes. That is, in the class system, social conditions conspire to make it more prevalent at the top. In the gender system, on the other hand, the reverse is true: social conditions make it more prevalent, and prevalent in different ways, for those at the bottom—women. […] The reason, at bottom, is the fact that women in general have far less independent access to money, power, authority, or status in society” (Hochschild 1983: 162–163).
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Pratesi, A. (2018). The End of Inequality as We Know It. In: Doing Care, Doing Citizenship . Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63109-7_3
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