Abstract
This chapter introduces notions of childhood in the late Qing and early Republican era, provides an overview of what children were reading, and outlines the work of Protestant missionaries and Chinese reformers who produced children’s reading materials. It includes a literature review of previous scholarship on Chinese children’s literature, and argues for the need to address the gap in research to focus on this neglected period of Chinese literary history. The chapter also provides the methodology and theoretical framework for analyzing the texts and an overview of the chapters.
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Notes
- 1.
The Child’s Paper (1875–1915) changed names from Xiaohai yuebao to Yuebao in 1884 and Kaifeng bao in 1913 (with the English name changing to The Monthly Herald). The archive is located in the Shanghai Library, which has digitized issues from 1875–81 and also 1911–13. The Sinica Collection at Oxford University’s Radcliffe Science Library holds some issues from 1875. The libraries of the University of California at Berkeley, Columbia University, and Harvard University’s Peabody Museum have a few copies from the 1880s to 1890s. See Chap. 3 for more detailed analysis of the periodical.
- 2.
- 3.
The title has also been translated as Juvenile World or Boys’ World. Tongzi shijie was established by the Patriotic Society in Shanghai in 1903. It was a daily until number 22, then it was published every two days. From number 31, it was published every ten days. It frequently uses satire to point out the issues facing Chinese society at the turn of the twentieth century. See Hu (1982, 113–21), Ding (1983), and Chapter 7 of Tse (2013) for more information on Tongzi shijie.
- 4.
The primary texts analyzed in this book were collected from special collections at the Oxford University Libraries, the Shanghai Library, the Shanghai Municipal Archives, the Presbyterian Historical Society (USA), the Cotsen Children’s Library at Princeton University, the Australian National University, and the National Library of Australia.
- 5.
See China’s Education and the Industrialised World: Studies in Cultural Transfer (Hayhoe and Bastid 1987) for articles on Chinese engagement with the Japanese, French, German, American, and British ideas of education.
- 6.
Children in these texts share overlapping characteristics, and the categories are not meant to be disparate or absolute.
- 7.
Buddhist and Daoist images of childhood also circulated at this time, but they were not the dominantly accepted views. See Foster (2013, 39–40). Zhou Yiqun notes that Buddhism and Daoism were more influential in the “Period of Disunity (third to sixth centuries) and the Tang dynasty (618–907)” (2009, 341).
- 8.
The May Fourth Movement was sparked by protests held in Beijing in May 1919 about the Treaty of Versailles after the First World War.
- 9.
In Ertong xue gailun (On the Study of the Child), Ling Bing notes: “Everyone who researches education knows now that the child ought to be placed in the center. They know that adults should treasure children, protect children, and give children an opportunity for equality treatment in society, because they are the mainstay of society’s future. But what we need to realize is that this has only been the case in the last decade or so” (cited in Jones 2011, 226).
- 10.
- 11.
For a comprehensive study of Lin Shu and translation, see Hill (2013).
- 12.
- 13.
Song discusses the novels that missionaries translated in the nineteenth century, but the chapter on children’s literature is largely based on Hanan’s work, and a detailed analysis of the texts is lacking. Zhao and Wu briefly examine The Child’s Paper and Happy Childhood , but their book is mainly focused on publications for adults.
- 14.
Zhou Zuoren’s essay “A Children’s Literature” sparked debates on what children should read. He argued that children should read fairy tales and adventure stories rather than didactic texts and the Confucian classics. See Jones (2011, 113–17) for discussion about the debates. See also Chapter 5 in Chang-tai Hung’s Going to the People (1985).
- 15.
“A Kingdom without Cats” is not an entirely original story, but based on the English folktale “Dick Whittington and His Cat.”
- 16.
- 17.
Hsiung writes that Song dynasty scholar Zhu Xi’s Tongmeng xuzhi (What Children Should Know) and Xiaoxue jijie (Elementary Learning) reflect certain distrust in children and human development potential (1998, 144). Zhu Xi’s texts leave no room for confusion, questioning, or tolerance of other opinions (Hsiung, 144). Wang Yangming (1472–1528) had a different idea, placing emphasis on children’s happiness as a motivator for their learning (149). He emphasized educational psychology in teaching and acknowledged that children “love to play” (Bai 2000, 145).
- 18.
Yan Fu believed that “only Western knowledge” could help China (Davin 1987, 38). He also noted that Western knowledge was not inseparable from Christianity.
- 19.
In 1896, Chinese students began going to Japan to study, after the government encouraged scholars to study overseas. Bailey estimates that by 1906, there were 8000 to 10,000 Chinese students in Japan (1990, 68).
- 20.
The less dominant idea was that children were born with innate wisdom that enabled them to attain a higher degree of spiritual perfection compared with adults. The Daoists and other intellectuals over different periods have held this view (Stevens 2004).
- 21.
Williamson was the chair of the School and Textbook Series Committee at the time.
- 22.
This idea is also evident in the motivation behind sending children to be educated in the United States as part of the “Chinese Education Mission to the United States” program. For more information, see Chapter 1 in Xu Lanjun’s PhD dissertation (2007).
- 23.
See Legacies of Childhood: Growing up Chinese in a Time of Crisis, 1890–1920 by Jon Saari (1990) for information on some late Qing and early Republican children’s relationships with parents, teachers, and peers. See also Anne B. Kinney’s edited collection Chinese Views of Childhood (1995). Precocious children existed in Victorian literature as well. See Claudia Nelson (2012) for analysis of age inversion in Victorian literature.
- 24.
The Thousand-Character Text comprises couplets of four characters each, while Three-Character Classic , attributed to Wang Yinglin (1223–96), consists of 356 lines that are three characters each and introduces approximately five hundred characters. One Hundred Surnames contains moral lessons, and information about the universe, Chinese history, and famous men.
- 25.
According to Rawski, “a short text, if produced in sufficient volume, might cost just a few cash a copy—less than the cost of a bowl of noodles” (121). Standard copper cash was issued by the Qing government. One thousand copper cash was supposed to be equal to one tael of unminted silver ingot, but different regions had different currencies, which meant the monetary system was not easily regulated. For an explanation of China’s monetary system during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, see Debin Ma (2012).
- 26.
Findeisen claims that the literacy rate was “neatly below 2 per cent” until the mid-nineteenth century, when it was increased to five to ten percent, “but just in certain urban areas of Southern China” (2013, 179).
- 27.
Some mothers in literati families took on the role of teacher, often reciting content they memorized from primers and poetry to their children (Hsiung 2005, 111).
- 28.
Bai notes that some of the twenty-four exemplars “originated in Buddhist preaching” (2005b, xiii). Only four of the exemplars are identified as children, while five are “youth” and fifteen are adults (109).
- 29.
- 30.
According to Bai, the oldest extant copy is from 1436, but it is likely that the original version is older. There are 306 illustrations in the primer and 388 characters (Bai 2018, 391).
- 31.
Due to high child mortality rates, children were not considered “out of danger” until they reached seven sui (six years old by Western standards). In Chinese, sui is a year of age. At birth, a child is one sui, and after the lunar new year, another sui is added. Therefore, a child who is seven sui is six years old by Western standards. The age of six is also the age when they should be dongshi (to understand things), or the age of reasoning. Around this age, they “acquire an awareness of their social gender, and develop a sense of shame and embarrassment” (Naftali, 21). The civil service examinations were established in 605 and abolished in 1905.
- 32.
Wei-ming Tu outlines the Confucian “process of maturation” for boys thus: “education at home begins at six, sex differentiation in education at seven, etiquette at eight, arithmetic at nine, formal schooling at ten, and by thirteen the student will have studied music, poetry, dance, ritual, archery, and horsemanship” (1976, 109).
- 33.
For more information on the capping ceremony, see Hardy (1993).
- 34.
Robert Morrison was the first Protestant missionary to China, arriving in 1807. The number of missionaries to China increased significantly after 1858, when the Treaty of Tianjin was signed, allowing foreigners to travel into the interior provinces of the country instead of only residing in the five coastal treaty ports. While there were fewer than 200 Protestant missionaries from denominations such as the Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians in China in the 1860s, the number rose to 1296 in 1889, then to 3445 in 1907 (Mak 2015, 29; Davin 1987, 44). The number peaked to 8000 in the mid-1920s, before dropping to around 5000 (Davin 1987, 44; Jones 2011, 1). The missionaries were supported by the LMS, Church Missionary Society, ABCFM, and other missionary organizations. It is estimated that by 1900, there were 80,000 Chinese Protestants (Overmyer 2008, 191).
- 35.
- 36.
This is the reason why “In 1847, an attempt was made to increase the efficacy of tract circulation by the employment of pious native colporteurs…. The Committee consented to try the experiment for a limited time, and to pay the expenses of six devoted men, competent to undertake the work” (Hewitt 1949, 497). For more on Chinese colporteurs, see Mak (2015).
- 37.
Missionaries such as George Piercy of the mission at Guangzhou, who later became a regular contributor to the Xiaohai yuebao (The Child’s Paper), engaged in early translations of children’s texts. For more information, see Lai (2012b, 162–64).
- 38.
- 39.
The Press was headed by William Gamble, an Irish American who had previously worked in a Philadelphia publishing firm and the Bible House in New York before arriving in China (Mission Press in China 1895, 20). Gamble went to Japan in 1869, and the Press was succeeded by a number of other missionaries, including C. W. Mateer, W. S. Holt, G. F. Fitch, and J. M. W. Farnham. For a detailed history of missionary presses, see Su (2014).
- 40.
Happy Childhood was issued by the CLS but printed by the China Sunday School Union and edited by Elizabeth MacGillivray, wife of the general secretary of the CLS, Donald MacGillivray. Mrs. MacGillivray left the editorship of the magazine to T. S. Leung in 1937. The aim of the periodical was “to touch the very roots of the home and the state, to interpret Christian truth and to introduce scriptural knowledge to children by means of a correct psychological approach. It tells its story to the children in its own winning way and gathers them around the knees of the Children’s Friend. They enter not a mere fairy world, but a real world of love and joy and peace such as they never dreamed of or heard of before. And the children lead the parents also into it” (ARCLS 1926–27, 11). For more analysis of CLS publications, see Chen (2016).
- 41.
- 42.
Edward Salmon claimed in 1888 that half the nurseries in England had Walton’s books (cited in Cutt 1979, 156).
- 43.
Mary Harriet Porter (1846–1929) also translated The Cottage on the Shore; or Little Gwen’s Story (RTS 1875) as Guinuo zhuan (1882b). According to Cutt, with Walton, “the line of serious Evangelical writing for children begun by Hannah More and Mrs. Sherwood came to an end” (185). See Lai (2012a, 2017, Chapter 3) for a discussion of Anle jia, a translation of Walton’s Christie’s Old Organ.
- 44.
Charles Wesley surveyed 1000 girls aged between eleven and nineteen.
- 45.
Lydia H. Liu (1995) argues against using “source text” and “target text,” preferring the terms “host language” and “guest language.” While acknowledging her rationale, I adopt the commonly accepted terms used in translation studies in this book.
- 46.
See Zhu, Li, and Li (2015) for a full list of publishers.
- 47.
See Li Jiaju (2005) for a detailed history of the Commercial Press.
- 48.
One of the most influential theories of Chinese translation was also formulated during this time. Writing in 1898, noted Chinese translator Yan Fu asserted in his preface to his translation of T. H. Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics that fidelity (xin), fluency (da), and elegance (ya) were the three principles of translation. These three words became the basis of Chinese theories of translation in the twentieth century (Chan 2004).
- 49.
See Chan (2004) for debates on and theories of translation in twentieth-century China. Soenen argues that “The image of a nation […] can be so dominant in the translators’ mind, that it cannot but influence the translator’s approach and the ultimate result of his own linguistic reproduction of the original message” (cited in Seifert, 232).
- 50.
Corbett was quoting a sermon on domestic Christian education delivered in 1835 by American pastor Isaac Ferris in Albany, New York.
- 51.
Up to the 1890s, there were debates among the missionaries about whether the Chinese language was adequate for discussions of science (Davin 1987, 40).
- 52.
The Italian original was translated into English, then from English to Japanese, and Bao worked from the Japanese edition to produce the Chinese translation.
- 53.
Studies of missionaries have vacillated between blame/reproach and praise, with the former approach being most common in Western scholarship (e.g. Schlesinger 1974; Harris 1991) and the latter in Chinese research (see Wang Lixin 1997; Yuan 2009). However, as Ryan Dunch points out, one needs to recognize “the dependency of both on the twin teleologies of developmentalism and nationalism” (2002, 318). Xiantao Zhang traces how “the discourse of cultural imperialism developed in the early part of the twentieth century, [was] appropriated by Mao, and then applied retrospectively to the nineteenth-century Western missionaries” (129–30). He states, “to account for the various and complex missionary activities as one single category of cultural imperialism also falls into the trap of treating the missionary influence as a one-way process, which underestimates Chinese intellectual strength, not least the missionaries’ dependence on the Chinese language and Chinese personnel, and a struggle over the cultural meanings involved” (Zhang, 136).
- 54.
The developmental stages have been critiqued for not taking cultural differences into account and for being too rigid in categorizing children.
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Fuyou bao 福幼報 [Happy Childhood]. 1915–50. Shanghai: Christian Literature Society.
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Chen, SW.S. (2019). Protestant Missionaries, Chinese Intellectuals, and Children’s Literature. In: Children’s Literature and Transnational Knowledge in Modern China. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6083-1_1
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