Skip to main content
Log in

Who seeks reelection: local fiscal restraints and political selection

  • Published:
Public Choice Aims and scope Submit manuscript

Abstract

This paper analyzes the consequences of local fiscal autonomy with respect to political selection. We propose a model of political careers wherein the decisions to become candidates and to seek reelection are both endogenous. Private-sector aptitude and political ability are private information; the latter is revealed to the incumbent during her first period in office. We show that, following an unanticipated reduction in the returns from holding office, incumbents with high market ability are more likely to refrain from running for office again than their lower-ability counterparts. We test that prediction using an unexpected reduction in the upper bound of the municipal property tax rate, announced by Portugal’s prime minister in July 2008, just 15 months before the local elections. We rely on a comprehensive data set for all Portuguese mainland municipalities for the 2005 and 2009 elections, including the characteristics of the municipalities and individual mayors. We employ a difference-in-differences strategy to show that affected mayors—those who were forced to reduce the property tax rate, and thus faced a sharp tax revenue decline—are less likely to seek reelection. This effect is driven by high-professional-status incumbents.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Fig. 1
Fig. 2
Fig. 3

Similar content being viewed by others

Data availability

The data sets analyzed in the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Notes

  1. https://expresso.pt/actualidade/descida-de-imi-beneficiara-centenas-de-milhares-de-proprietarios-diz-o-pm=f363754.

  2. When it comes to local political careers, a number of papers examine the determinants of mayors’ reelection decisions, emphasizing economic drivers such as unemployment and fiscal variables, including the countries of Brazil (Sakurai and Menezes-Filho 2008), Portugal (Castro and Martins 2013a, b), France (Cassette and Farvaque 2014), Spain (Balaguer-Coll et al. 2015), and Greece (Chortareas et al. 2016).

  3. Interestingly, papers by Ferraz and Finan (2009), Beath et al. (2016), Grossman and Baldassarri (2012), and Fisman et al. (2016) examine political selection in developing countries. Since educated people are relatively scarce in those countries, educational attainment is more likely to be a determinant of good governance. Beath et al. (2016) report that only 9% of male council members in Afghanistan have finished high school and only 17% have finished middle school, in sharp contrast to the evidence in Dal Bó et al. (2017) that the average Swedish politician spends between 12.8 and 14.5 years on formal education.

  4. Actually, the author finds no statistical difference between the treated and comparison municipalities for all but one proxy of politician valence considered, namely, “high professional status”.

  5. The seminal papers on seeking reelection focus on the retirement decisions of members of the US Congress, which is related to a small expected margin of victory, a fractionalized legislative process, shrill constituents and abrasive single-issue interest groups, lack of privacy, the large amount of fundraising required to conduct modern campaigns, the desire to acquire committee power, and the demise of seniority systems (Hibbing 1982; Moore and Hibbing 1992).

  6. For a discussion of the appropriateness of using education as a proxy for a politician’s leadership qualities, see Carnes and Lupu (2016).

  7. Our model thus reverses the assumptions in Mattozzi and Merlo (2008), where market ability has discrete support and is not known, and political ability has continuous support and is known to the individual.

  8. A recent empirical paper uses within-party variation in close elections in the Finnish open-list proportional system to show that public employees have an information advantage over other politicians and are better able to increase spending (Hyytinen et al. 2018). Although the learning agents in that paper are public employees and not politicians per se, the evidence supports our assumption that political jobs require learning.

  9. Mattozzi and Merlo (2008) assume that the probability of high market returns, conditional on political ability, is \(\alpha +\lambda p\).

  10. Introducing a constant political salary does not change the qualitative nature of the results.

  11. In a related reference, Mattozzi and Merlo (2015) discuss the role of political parties in recruiting mediocre individuals into the political market. In the decision to seek reelection, as anecdotical evidence discussed in Sect. 3 clarifies, we contend that the party’s role is limited.

  12. Details in the “Appendix”.

  13. Details in the “Appendix”.

  14. A related model prediction is that the average level of education is higher in the pool of first-term mayoral candidates than in that of incumbents who seek reelection in the treated group of municipalities. However, we cannot test that prediction because of lack of data on the overall pool of candidates.

  15. The political spectrum in municipalities is dominated by the local branches of the parties that are represented in the national parliament. From right to left, Portuguese national parties are the Popular Party (CDS-PP), the center-right Social-Democrats (PSD), the Socialists (PS), the Communist Party (PCP), and the Left Bloc (BE). In addition, lists of organized independent citizens may contest the elections.

  16. The candidates were Isaltino Morais from Oeiras, Valentim Loureiro from Gondomar, Fátima Felgueiras from Felgueiras, and Avelino Ferreira Torres from Marco de Canavezes.

  17. Law no. 159/99 September 1999.

  18. The previous property tax was the Contribuição Autárquica, implemented in 1989.

  19. The minimum (unchanged) tax is 0.4 and 0.2, respectively (cf. Law 64/2008, December).

  20. http://www.acis.org.pt/website/noticias/241-alteracoes-ao-imi-avaliacao-geral-dos-predios-urbanos, http://www.jornaldenegocios.pt/economia/detalhe/avaliaccedilatildeo-geral-de-imoacuteveis-em-risco-de-derrapagem.html, and http://www.jornaldenegocios.pt/economia/impostos/imi/detalhe/autoridade-tributaria-terminou-avaliacao-geral-de-49-milhoes-de-predios-urbanos.html.

  21. In 2005, the Portuguese parliament issued a law limiting the number of consecutive terms to three. However, as this was not implemented retroactively, terms counts began in the 2005 local elections for all incumbents, such that the restriction became binding in 2013.

  22. The 30 municipalities constituting the autonomous regions of Azores and Madeira are excluded owing to their different institutional backgrounds.

  23. The official data contain missing observations for some mayoral characteristics, which we supplemented with information from the websites of several municipalities.

  24. Bosch and Solé-Ollé (2007) find that property tax increases have a negative impact on incumbent vote share in Spanish municipalities.

  25. This controls for potential reelection opportunism by Portuguese mayors as found by Aidt et al. (2011). Similar results were found for Germany (Galli and Rossi 2002), Russia (Akhmedov and Zhuravskaya 2004), Brazil (Sakurai and Menezes-Filho 2008), and Italy (Padovano 2012). Brender (2003) and Drazen and Eslava (2010) show that local government debt reduces reelection chances, while Cassette and Farvaque (2014) find that pre-election debt favors incumbents.

  26. See Martins and Veiga (2014) for the impact of voter turnout on the incumbent mayor’s vote share.

  27. Fox and Lawless (2004) find that women who share the same personal characteristics and professional credentials as men express significantly weaker levels of political ambition for holding elective office.

  28. Some models predict that higher salaries attract better-quality individuals (with college education as proxy) to run for office (Besley 2004; Caselli and Morelli 2004), while others predict the opposite outcome (Messner and Polborn 2004; Mattozzi and Merlo 2008).

  29. Akhmedov and Zhuravskaya (2004), in their study of opportunistic business cycles in Russian regions, measure voter awareness using education and urbanization. For Portugal, Martins and Veiga (2013) find that national and subnational economic conditions have an impact on municipal electoral outcomes.

  30. A change in the local tax range (in their case, an increase in the lower bound) was used as a quasi-experimental setup by Lyytikäinen (2012).

  31. Revelli (2016) also defines the treated municipalities as those facing a local tax freeze by the central government.

  32. There are minor differences in the following observables: local corporate tax surcharge (“derrama”), abstention rate, and age dependency ratio, and rate of property tax increase. The last is a direct consequence of the treatment.

  33. NUTS 2 areas comprise five regions in mainland Portugal (North, Center, Lisbon, Alentejo, and Algarve), while the NUTS 3 level comprises 28 smaller groups of local authorities.

  34. Bordignon et al. (2017) studies a similar reform in Italy.

  35. It could be that mayors are discouraged from seeking reelection because they are forced to enact an unpopular measure. This is not the case in our setting, where the tax is set to decrease. For evidence that higher taxes reduce reelection prospects, see Bosch and Solé-Ollé (2007).

  36. While the heterogeneous effect along previous occupation is motivated by the theoretical model and is the main focus of our paper, we include in the “Appendix” results of heterogeneous effects along ideology (left vs. right—Tables 12, 13) and mayor age (above and below the median age—Tables 14, 15). Neither yields significant results, which reinforces the mechanism of the outside option that our theoretical model puts forward.

References

  • Aidt, T. S., Veiga, F. J., & Veiga, L. G. (2011). Election results and opportunistic policies: A new test of the rational political business cycle model. Public Choice, 148(1–2), 21–44.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Akhmedov, A., & Zhuravskaya, E. (2004). Opportunistic political cycles: Test in a young democracy setting. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 119(4), 1301–1338.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Altonji, J. G., Elder, T. E., & Taber, C. R. (2005). Selection on observed and unobserved variables: Assessing the effectiveness of catholic schools. Journal of Political Economy, 113(1), 151–184.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Balaguer-Coll, M. T., Brun-Martos, M. I., Forte, A., & Tortosa-Ausina, E. (2015). Local governments’ re-election and its determinants: New evidence based on a Bayesian approach. European Journal of Political Economy, 39, 94–108.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Baltrunaite, A., Bello, P., Casarico, A., & Profeta, P. (2014). Gender quotas and the quality of politicians. Journal of Public Economics, 118, 62–74.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Baskaran, T. (2014). Identifying local tax mimicking with administrative borders and a policy reform. Journal of Public Economics, 118, 41–51.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Beath, A., Christia, F., Egorov, G., & Enikolopov, R. (2016). Electoral rules and political selection: Theory and evidence from a field experiment in Afghanistan. The Review of Economic Studies, 83(3), 932–968.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Bertrand, M., Duflo, E., & Mullainathan, S. (2004). How much should we trust differences-in-differences estimates? The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 119(1), 249–275.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Besley, T. (2004). Paying politicians: Theory and evidence. Journal of the European Economic Association, 2(2–3), 193–215.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Besley, T., Folke, O., Persson, T., & Rickne, J. (2017). Gender quotas and the crisis of the mediocre man: Theory and evidence from Sweden. American Economic Review, 107(8), 2204–42.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Besley, T., Montalvo, J. G., & Reynal-Querol, M. (2011). Do educated leaders matter? The Economic Journal, 121(554), F205–227.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Bordignon, M., Gamalerio, M., & Turati, G. (2017). Manager or politician? The effect of local fiscal autonomy on political selection. New York: Mimeo.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Bordignon, M., Grembi, V., & Piazza, S. (2017). Who do you blame in local finance? An analysis of municipal financing in Italy. European Journal of Political Economy, 49, 146–163.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Bosch, N., & Solé-Ollé, A. (2007). Yardstick competition and the political costs of raising taxes: An empirical analysis of Spanish municipalities. International Tax and Public Finance, 14(1), 71–92.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Brender, A. (2003). The effect of fiscal performance on local government election results in Israel: 1989–1998. Journal of Public Economics, 87(9), 2187–2205.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Brollo, F., Nannicini, T., Perotti, R., & Tabellini, G. (2013). The political resource curse. American Economic Review, 103(5), 1759–96.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Card, D. (1999). The causal effect of education on earnings. Handbook of Labor Economics, 3, 1801–1863.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Carnes, N., & Lupu, N. (2016). What good is a college degree? Education and leader quality reconsidered. The Journal of Politics, 78(1), 35–49.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Caselli, F., & Morelli, M. (2004). Bad politicians. Journal of Public Economics, 88(3), 759–782.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Cassette, A., & Farvaque, E. (2014). Are elections debt brakes? Evidence from French municipalities. Economics Letters, 122(2), 314–316.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Castro, V., & Martins, R. (2013a). Is there duration dependence in Portuguese local governments’ tenure? European Journal of Political Economy, 31, 26–39.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Castro, V., & Martins, R. (2013b). Running for office again: Evidence from Portuguese municipal elections. Public Choice, 156(3–4), 677–702.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Chortareas, G., Logothetis, V., & Papandreou, A. A. (2016). Political budget cycles and reelection prospects in Greece’s municipalities. European Journal of Political Economy, 43, 1–13.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Dal Bó, E., Finan, F., Folke, O., Persson, T., & Rickne, J. (2017). Who becomes a politician? The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 132(4), 1877–1914.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Dal Bó, E., Finan, F., & Rossi, M. A. (2013). Strengthening state capabilities: The role of financial incentives in the call to public service. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 128(3), 1169–1218.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Daniele, G. (2017). Strike one to educate one hundred: Organized crime, political selection and politicians’ ability. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, 159, 650–662.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Daniele, G., & Geys, B. (2015). Organised crime, institutions and political quality: Empirical evidence from Italian municipalities. The Economic Journal, 125(586), F233–F255.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Drazen, A., & Eslava, M. (2010). Electoral manipulation via voter-friendly spending: Theory and evidence. Journal of Development Economics, 92(1), 39–52.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Ferraz, C., & Finan, F. (2009). Motivating politicians: The impacts of monetary incentives on quality and performance. Technical report, National Bureau of Economic Research.

  • Fisman, R., Harmon, N. A., Kamenica, E., & Munk, I. (2015). Labor supply of politicians. Journal of the European Economic Association, 13(5), 871–905.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Fisman, R., Schulz, F., & Vig, V. (2016). Financial disclosure and political selection: Evidence from India. New York: Mimeo.

    Google Scholar 

  • Fonseca, M. L. D. (2016). Candid lame ducks. Technical report, CESifo Group Munich.

  • Fox, R. L., & Lawless, J. L. (2004). Entering the arena? Gender and the decision to run for office. American Journal of Political Science, 48(2), 264–280.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Gagliarducci, S., & Nannicini, T. (2013). Do better paid politicians perform better? Disentangling incentives from selection. Journal of the European Economic Association, 11(2), 369–398.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Gagliarducci, S., Nannicini, T., & Naticchioni, P. (2010). Moonlighting politicians. Journal of Public Economics, 94(9), 688–699.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Galasso, V., & Nannicini, T. (2011). Competing on good politicians. American Political Science Review, 105(01), 79–99.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Galasso, V., & Nannicini, T. (2017). Political selection under alternative electoral rules. Public Choice, 171(3–4), 257–281.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Galli, E., & Rossi, S. P. (2002). Political budget cycles: The case of the Western German Länder. Public Choice, 110(3–4), 283–303.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Gamalerio, M. (2017). Fiscal rules and the selection of politicians: Evidence from Italian municipalities. New York: Mimeo.

    Google Scholar 

  • Grossman, G., & Baldassarri, D. (2012). The impact of elections on cooperation: Evidence from a lab-in-the-field experiment in Uganda. American Journal of Political Science, 56(4), 964–985.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Hessami, Z. (2018). Accountability and incentives of appointed and elected public officials. Review of Economics and Statistics, 100(1), 51–64.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Hibbing, J. R. (1982). Voluntary retirement from the us house of representatives: Who quits? American Journal of Political Science, 26(3), 467–484.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Hyytinen, A., Meriläinen, J., Saarimaa, T., Toivanen, O., & Tukiainen, J. (2018). Public employees as politicians: Evidence from close elections. American Political Science Review, 112(1), 68–81.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Jones, B. F., & Olken, B. A. (2005). Do leaders matter? National leadership and growth since World War II. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 120(3), 835–864.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kotakorpi, K., & Poutvaara, P. (2011). Pay for politicians and candidate selection: An empirical analysis. Journal of Public Economics, 95(7), 877–885.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Lyytikäinen, T. (2012). Tax competition among local governments: Evidence from a property tax reform in Finland. Journal of Public Economics, 96(7), 584–595.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Martins, R., & Veiga, F. J. (2013). Economic voting in Portuguese municipal elections. Public Choice, 155(3–4), 1–18.

    Google Scholar 

  • Martins, R., & Veiga, F. J. (2014). Does voter turnout affect the votes for the incumbent government? European Journal of Political Economy, 36, 274–286.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Mattozzi, A., & Merlo, A. (2008). Political careers or career politicians? Journal of Public Economics, 92(3), 597–608.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Mattozzi, A., & Merlo, A. (2015). Mediocracy. Journal of Public Economics, 130, 32–44.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Mazumder, B. (2005). Fortunate sons: New estimates of intergenerational mobility in the united states using social security earnings data. Review of Economics and Statistics, 87(2), 235–255.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Messner, M., & Polborn, M. K. (2004). Paying politicians. Journal of Public Economics, 88(12), 2423–2445.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Moore, M. K., & Hibbing, J. R. (1992). Is serving in congress fun again? Voluntary retirements from the house since the 1970s. American Journal of Political Science, 56, 824–828.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Mueller, J. E. (1970). Presidential popularity from Truman to Johnson. American Political Science Review, 64(01), 18–34.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Padovano, F. (2012). The drivers of interregional policy choices: Evidence from Italy. European Journal of Political Economy, 28(3), 324–340.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Revelli, F. (2016). Tax limits and local elections. Public Choice, 166(1–2), 53–68.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Sakurai, S. N., & Menezes-Filho, N. A. (2008). Fiscal policy and reelection in Brazilian municipalities. Public Choice, 137(1–2), 301–314.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Veiga, F. J., & Veiga, L. G. (2017). Term limits and voter turnout. NIPE Working Paper Series 6 (pp. 1–37).

  • Veiga, L. G. (2012). Determinants of the assignment of EU funds to Portuguese municipalities. Public Choice, 153(1–2), 215–233.

    Article  Google Scholar 

Download references

Acknowledgements

João Pereira dos Santos gratefully acknowledges financial support from FCT—Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia—PD/BD/128121/2016. Susana Peralta finished this paper while visiting Banco de Portugal, whose hospitality is gratefully acknowledged. We thank the editor and two anonymous referees for invaluable suggestions that allowed us to improve the paper substantially. We are indebted to Carlos Santos, Esther Ademmer, Francisco Veiga, François Facchini, James Rockey, José Tavares, Mariana Lopes da Fonseca, Micael Castanheira, Monika Köppl-Turyna, Paulo Arvate, Pedro Magalhães, Pedro Portugal, Pierre Boyer, Robert Gold, Rohini Pande, and Vítor Castro for valuable help and suggestions. We thank participants at the Lisbon Meeting on Institutions and Political Economy 2016, the 2016 Meeting of the European Public Choice Society, the Kiel Institute ASP Conference, the 26th Silvaplana Workshop on Political Economy, the Exchange seminar at Banco de Portugal, the Research Group seminar at Nova SBE, and the 3rd Belgian-Japanese Public Finance workshop for their comments. Francisco and Linda Veiga generously shared part of the data we use in the paper. The usual disclaimer applies.

Funding

This work was funded by Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (UID/ECO/00124/2013, UID/ECO/00124/2019 and Social Sciences DataLab, LISBOA-01-0145-FEDER-022209), POR Lisboa (LISBOA-01-0145-FEDER-007722, LISBOA-01-0145-FEDER-022209), and POR Norte (LISBOA-01-0145-FEDER-022209) and the Research Project EXPL/IIM-ECO/1787/2013 and PTDC/EGE-ECO/31213/2017.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Susana Peralta.

Ethics declarations

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.

Additional information

Publisher's Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Appendices

Appendix 1: Model results

Recalling (1), the individual runs for political office if

$$\begin{aligned} r-m+(\alpha +\lambda m)(h-m)\ge 0 \end{aligned}$$

We now show that (1) is decreasing in m. Note that (1) is a concave quadratic function of m. Using the fact that \(\lambda<1-\alpha <1\), the slope of (1) ranges between

$$\begin{aligned} -1+\lambda -\alpha (1+\lambda )<0,\,\text {when}\,m\rightarrow 0\\ \quad \text {and}-1-(\alpha +\lambda h)<0,\,\text {when}\,m=h \end{aligned}$$

Therefore, the function is strictly decreasing in the relevant range \(m\in (0,h]\).

Finally, we show that \(\hat{m}(h)\) is increasing in h. In order to check this, note that \(\hat{m}(h)\) is a zero of (1), and the partial derivative of the expression is negative with respect to m, and positive with respect to h. A straightforward application of the implicit function theorem establishes the comparative statics result.

Appendix 2: Additional tables

See Tables 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, and 21.

Table 10 Balance tests (mean differences in 2006–2007)
Table 11 Reelection candidate mean differences for treatment and comparison groups
Table 12 Results: left-wing party mayors
Table 13 Results: right-wing party mayors
Table 14 Results: younger mayors (below median age)
Table 15 Results: older mayors (above median age)
Table 16 Robustness: high-tax municipalities, excluding metropolitan areas
Table 17 Robustness: high-tax municipalities, excluding coastal areas
Table 18 Robustness: high-tax municipalities, excluding NUTS 2 regions
Table 19 Robustness: high-tax municipalities, excluding entrepreneurs
Table 20 Term limit reform and possible selection into treatment
Table 21 Impact of property tax reform on income surtax rate

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this article

Peralta, S., Pereira dos Santos, J. Who seeks reelection: local fiscal restraints and political selection. Public Choice 184, 105–134 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-019-00702-7

Download citation

  • Received:

  • Accepted:

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-019-00702-7

Keywords

JEL Classification

Navigation