Abstract
This paper explores the major interactions between the transformation of swidden farming and the pursuit of rural livelihoods in the uplands of Southeast Asia. The paper draws on selected literature, workshop reflections, and six case studies to describe the causal processes and livelihood consequences of swidden change. Household-level livelihood responses have included both the intensification and ‘dis-intensification’ of swidden land-use, the insertion of cash crops, the redeployment of household labour, and the taking on of broader (often non-rural) livelihood aspirations and strategies. At the community level there have been emerging institutional arrangements for management of land and forests, and varying degrees of participation in or resistance to government schemes and programs. Swidden change has led to the loss and also the reassertion, realignment, and redefinition of cultures and identities, with important implications for access to resources. The impacts of these changes have been varied. Cash crops have often improved livelihoods but complete specialisation for the market increases vulnerability. Thus swidden can still provide an important safety net in the face of market fluctuations. Improved access to markets and social provision of education and health care have mostly improved the welfare of previously isolated groups. However, growing differences within and between communities in the course of swidden transformations can leave some groups marginalized and worse off. These processes of differentiation can be accentuated by heavy-handed state interventions based on swidden stereotypes. Nevertheless, communities have not passively accepted these pressures and have mobilized to protect their livelihood assets and strategies. Thus swidden farmers are not resisting appropriate and supportive forms of development. They are adopting new practices and engaging with markets, but in many situations swidden is still important to their livelihood strategies, providing resilience in the face of turbulent change. Active involvement of local people is essential in planning, implementing, monitoring and evaluating development and conservation programs in swidden lands. Positive market incentives and supportive government policies are better than standardised, top-down directives.
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Notes
Colfer (pers. comm.) notes a similar ethnic identification with particular crops in West Sumatra; in this case, rubber is associated with Minangkabau. Potter (1987) also describes the association of different land uses with ethnic identities in South Kalimantan.
Joint family tenure here and in Table 2 refers to ownership by several closely related families rather than the entire lineage.
The exchange rate on 24 September 2008 was USD 1=IDR 9,332.
According to the government’s current poverty classification, families with income per capita less than US $6/month are recorded as poor households.
The name of the village has been changed.
In August 2008 the exchange rate was 1 USD=16,545 VND.
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Cramb, R.A., Colfer, C.J.P., Dressler, W. et al. Swidden Transformations and Rural Livelihoods in Southeast Asia. Hum Ecol 37, 323–346 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-009-9241-6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-009-9241-6