Abstract
Income inequality has long been suggested as a crucial factor in determining political participation. This study focuses on the case of Hong Kong, a city with notoriously high level of inequality. To examine the effect of inequality on participation, we construct a novel District Income Inequality dataset that estimates inequality at the local district level, providing a more nuanced and accurate analysis of the level of inequality experienced by individuals on a daily basis, instead of the region-wide situation. By focusing on the election-to-election change in district-level inequality, it is found that inequality depresses participation in legislative elections. The results are also robust at the individual-level, with survey data demonstrating that people living in districts with higher inequality were less likely to vote.
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Data availability
The underlying data used in this study (DII) will be deposited on the authors’ personal website upon publication of the study.
Notes
District Council elections are not included in the analysis below.
In the 2016 survey a more fine-grained classification was used (e.g., the < 6000 group became < 2000, 2000–3999, and 4000–5999). The same adjustment method is applied.
Using 1.5 as the adjustment weight instead will return substantively similar results (available upon request).
In District Council elections, some districts might have more contested elections with higher turnout; others might not have an election due to the lack of competition.
Most districts have one polling station. Figures for districts with more than one stations are calculated manually. No polling station cuts across two districts.
As the census survey cycle is not the same as election cycle, the DII data are matched with their closest legislative elections in the analysis (2001/2003; 2006/2007; 2011/2011; 2016/2015).
Homeownership statistics by district are not available.
The results are largely unchanged if the logged term is used instead.
From a possible of 492. Districts are dropped if the election is uncontested. Districts that have undergone “redistricting” will be treated as a new case as long as the constituency is renamed, which is usually the case if the redistricting is substantial. Minor redistricting is also possible but unfortunately cannot be accounted for here.
The figure is higher for the fixed effects model since it does not exclude districts with non-consecutive data, as in the main models.
Results are similar if a continuous variable is used instead.
Controlling for homeownership has no impact on the results, and its coefficient is not significant.
There are a number of reasons why district Gini would still be significant. For example, the respondent might be unconscious about the implicit effect of inequality (thus not assigning a greater importance to inequality). In addition, respondents were asked to pick three (out of 15; full list in the appendix) most important problems facing Hong Kong. Even if one regards inequality as serious, he/she might have other more pressing concerns (e.g., civil liberties; unemployment) and did not select inequality as one of them. The bottom-line here is that the analysis confirmed that inequality is at least partially responsible for the results.
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This work was partially funded by the Research Grant Council, General Research Funding Scheme (First Author; 18601120).
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Wong, M.Y.H., Wong, S.HW. Income Inequality and Political Participation: A District-Level Analysis of Hong Kong Elections. Soc Indic Res 162, 959–977 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-021-02863-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-021-02863-9