Organizations and intensifications: Campesino federations, rural livelihoods and agricultural technology in the Andes and Amazonia
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Humanising agricultural extension: A review
2021, World DevelopmentCitation Excerpt :New technology is ‘new’ to a particular place or group of farmers, or represents a ‘new’ use of technology that is already in use within a particular place or amongst a group of farmers.” While agricultural livelihoods and the adoption of technologies are undoubtedly beset by technical knowledge and practice (Bebbington, 1993, 1996), it has long been recognised that extension is mediated by powerful socio-political processes (Birkhaeuser et al., 1989; Russell & Ison, 2000; Vanclay, 2004; Vanclay & Lawrence, 1994; Landini et al., 2017). Surprisingly, these forces have remained largely excluded from the extension discourse: set aside while extensionists determine the (cost) effectiveness of competing technologies.
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2018, Forest Policy and EconomicsMiddle-range theories of land system change
2018, Global Environmental ChangeCitation Excerpt :These include clearly defined boundaries of the resource, regulations adapted to local conditions, collective decision-making processes that encompass most resource appropriators, effective and accountable monitoring, graduated sanctions, mechanisms of conflict resolution, and centralized governments that allow local institutions to self-organize (Ostrom, 1990, 2005). Institutional theories also discuss the interactions between formal institutions and social organizations (Bebbington, 1996). Theories integrating different insights have been proposed to explain the development of frontiers—situations of resource appropriation where land and natural resources are abundant while labor and capital are scarce.
The evolution of forest producer associations and their current role in REDD+: case studies from Quintana Roo, Mexico
2017, Land Use PolicyCitation Excerpt :They have played a significant role in promoting community forestry and related enterprises in a multi-level governance context in several regions, particularly in Latin America (Monterroso and Barry, 2008; Paudel et al., 2012; Taylor, 2001). Many of these associations emerged as grassroots social movements vis-à-vis collective actions of farmers and forest-dependent communities fighting for their individual and community rights to land and forest-dependent livelihoods in the face of external threats brought on by powerful external actors (Bebbington, 1996; Brown and Rosendo, 2000; Cronkleton et al., 2008). Once primary goals of resource access rights are successfully secured, the role of these associations, in some cases, evolved from advocacy to technical assistance in support of local forest governance and sustainable livelihood activities.
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This paper is based on several bodies of collaborative research: an ODA-funded component of a wider ODIISNAR study of farmer organizations and agricultural research in Bolivia; two Inter-American Foundation supported studies of indigenous federations and indigenous agriculture in Ecuador; and work for Fundagro-Ecuador. The studies stretch over several years, from 1988 through to 1995. While I am responsible for the argument of the paper, a number of these different pieces of work were conducted in collaboration with others, in particular Teresa Domingo, Adalberto Kopp, Javier Quisbert, Galo Ramón, Jorge Trujillo, Hernan Carrasco, Lourdes Peralvó, Victor-Hugo Torres, German Trujillo, Deborah Merrill-Sands, John Farrington and Diana Carney. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the World Bank workshop on “Traditional and Modern Approaches to Natural Resource Management in Latin America,” World Bank, Washington, DC, April 25–26, 1995. I am grateful for the support of the International Institute for Environment and Development where I worked while writing this paper. I am also grateful for the comments of the participants at that workshop, as well as those of the referees, Tom Carroll, Jorge Uquillas, Denise Bebbington and Diana Carney.