Adverse childhood experiences and preschool suspension expulsion: A population study
Introduction
Preschool education is critical for young children because it builds the foundation of learning, health and well-being. This foundation is critical because optimal early learning experiences can lead to later success in school and life (Campbell & Ramey, 1994). Preschool suspension and expulsion, however, deprive children of positive learning experiences that nurture learning and development (Gilliam & Shahar, 2006). Preschool suspension is considered the temporary removal of a child from their classroom, while expulsion is the termination of educational services (American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on School Health, 2013). Regardless of the short- or long-term nature, both preschool expulsion and suspension have been identified as and remain critical issues in contemporary early childhood education (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services & U.S Department of Education, 2014).
Children with early suspension and expulsion experiences are more likely to encounter academic failure and grade retention, hold negative school attitudes, dropout of high school, and be involved in juvenile justice systems (American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on School Health, 2013; American Psychological Association Zero Tolerance Task Force, 2008; Petras, Masyn, Buckley, Ialongo, & Kellam, 2011). Given the adverse effects of preschool expulsion and suspension, AAP advocates replacing these practices with prevention efforts that focus on early identification of support needs (American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on School Health, 2013). The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and U.S Department of Education (2014) jointly released a policy statement which condemns suspension and expulsion practices in preschools and instead, advocates that preschool suspension and expulsion rates should be zero.
Despite the national interest, the progress to reduce suspension and expulsion remains unclear, and at the very least, preschool suspension and expulsion is under researched. Recent research stems from the seminal work of Gilliam (2005), which suggested the expulsion rate for preschool children was 6.7 out of 1,000 children in state-funded preschool programs (Gilliam, 2005), and over 10% of preschool teachers in state-funded preschool programs reported expelling at least one preschooler. This rate of preschool expulsion is 3.2% higher than the expulsion rate in K-12 settings (Gilliam, 2005). Subsequently, more than 300,000 children may be expelled each year based on the estimated rates and the current enrollment of young children in early care and education settings (Schachner et al., 2016).
While these preschool suspension and expulsion rates are striking, the estimates are primarily based on teacher (Gilliam, 2005) or superintendent report (Gilliam & Shahar, 2006). No other sources of data have been utilized to triangulate the findings. Research suggests the negative impact of preschool suspension or expulsion extends beyond the child themselves to their parents and family members (Meek & Gilliam, 2016). Estimates based on parental reports could confirm, negate, or extend the current research about preschool expulsion and suspension.
Recent studies suggest a disparity in discipline practices in preschool settings (Schachner et al., 2016). Children with certain characteristics are more likely to be suspended or expelled. Specifically, age is an important indicator as four-year-olds are expelled at a rate about 50% greater than 3-year-olds (Gilliam & Shahar, 2006). Moreover, boys are expelled at a rate more than 4.5 times that of girls (Gilliam & Shahar, 2006). Black children account for almost 50% of public preschool suspensions but less than one-fifth of all preschoolers. Black children are 2 times as likely to be expelled as Latino and White children (Krezmien, Leone, & Achilles, 2006; Schachner et al., 2016).
Certain program and teacher characteristics are related to higher rates of suspension and expulsion. More suspensions and expulsions occur with large group sizes, higher child-teacher ratios, and a lack of support for teachers with regard to managing challenging behaviors, as well as staff characteristics such as depression or sense of job stress (Carlson et al., 2012; Schachner et al., 2016). Teachers’ implicit bias and cultural differences in views on discipline strategies and their application to teacher-child relationships play a role in exclusionary discipline practices (Gilliam, Maupin, Reyes, Accavitti, & Shic, 2016; Gilliam, Maupin, & Reyes, 2016). While risk factors related to child, teacher, and program characteristics have been identified, the relation between adverse childhood experiences and preschool suspension and expulsion have yet to be explored.
Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) are broadly defined as stressful or traumatic events that people experience early in life (Felitti et al., 1998). These experiences are negative events that occur in a child’s family or social environment and may cause harm or distress (Vervoort-Schel et al., 2018). ACEs not only include all forms of physical and emotional maltreatment, sexual abuse, neglect, and exploitation but also include experiences such as witnessing domestic violence, parental divorce or incarceration, caregiver alcohol or drug or substance abuse disorders (Centers for Disease Control & Prevention, 2018; Substance Abuse & Mental Health Services Administration, 2017).
Family well-being is a strong predictor of children’s school readiness (Duncan & Magnuson, 2011) while ACEs such as parental mental health difficulties and substance abuse contribute to behavioral and academic challenges for children (Mensah & Kiernan, 2010; Costello, Compton, Keeler, & Angold, 2003). Children with high levels of exposure to adversity are associated with higher rates of disabilities such as mental disorders (McLaughlin et al., 2012), behavior disorders (Hunt, Slack, & Berger, 2017), anxiety and depression (Rose, Xie, & Stineman, 2014), which may potentially increase the likelihood of preschool suspension or expulsion.
Preschool is a unique school setting in which children are introduced to school and how to express and regulate their emotions. While supporting the social emotional development of young children is an essential responsibility of early childhood educators, many teachers report feeling unprepared or ill equipped to support children with challenging behavior (Martin, Bosk, & Bailey, 2018). Additionally, teachers may not be familiar with what ACEs are and how ACEs impact the lives of children and families they support. Despite the overlapping nature of preschool suspension and expulsion and ACEs, few research studies have examined these phenomena simultaneously.
We argue that preschool children with ACEs may experience suspension expulsion at higher rates. Children who are exposed to cumulative ACEs experiences are experiencing constant toxic stress (Center on the Developing Child, 2019) and as a result, toxic stress can negatively affect the development of the body and brain by disrupting learning, behavior, immunity, and gene development (Ridout, Khan, & Ridout, 2018). Therefore, children who experience ACEs may also have difficulty developing important executive functioning skills such as self-regulation skills (i.e. controlling emotions in challenging situations). The challenging behaviors often triggers a response from a teacher in the form of discipline. Understanding the links between ACEs with preschool suspension and expulsion may better inform prevention and response strategies and policies in early childhood settings.
To address these gaps, the objectives of this study are to a) estimate the prevalence of preschool suspension and expulsion based on parental report and b) understand how ACEs may impact the likelihood of preschool expulsion and suspension. Specifically, we addressed the following research questions: (1) What is the preschool suspension and expulsion estimate based on national parent-reported data? (2) What is the cumulative effect of ACEs on the likelihood of preschool suspension and expulsion? (3) How does each ACE impact the likelihood of preschool suspension and expulsion?
We hypothesized that the preschool suspension and expulsion rates would be higher compared to previous studies. We also hypothesized ACEs would significantly impact expulsion and suspension even controlling for children’s demographic characteristics (i.e., age, gender, home language, race and ethnicity). This work extends preschool expulsion and suspension and ACEs research. By examining the intersection of ACEs and preschool expulsion and suspension through this nationally representative data set, the findings can further inform how early childhood educators can provide safe supportive early learning environments for all children and families.
Section snippets
Data
This study used the 2016 National Survey of Children’s Health (NSCH) dataset collected from June 2016-February 2017. The NSCH is designed to produce national data on the physical and emotional health of American children age 0–17 years old. The 2016 NSCH used an address‐based sample covering the 50 states and the District of Columbia. Addresses were randomly sampled within states using a child identifier that was developed by the Census Bureau’s Center for Administrative Records Research and
Results
The respondents were primarily biological or adoptive caregivers (91.6%) and 74% were married. The mean age was 37.4 years old and over 75% of respondents had high school degree. About 18% (1.6 million) of the households were below the federal poverty level. For the focus child, 50.9% were boys, the mean age was 4.1 years old, and identified their race as: White (67.6%), Black (14.3%) and other (18.1%). Over 88% of families used English as their home language and 21.8% were from Hispanic
Discussion
This study provides the first prevalence estimate of preschool suspension and expulsion based on the parent report data from the 2016 National Survey of Children’s Health. An estimated 0.2% of the preschool children are expelled at least once. The ratio is lower compared to previous findings (e.g., 0.6%, Gilliam, 2010). Several potential reasons may help explain the discrepancy. First, participants were asked in the current survey “whether or not” the children were expelled, while previous
Implication
Children being suspended or expelled may be denied access to meaningful early intervention for their disabilities or mental health issues (American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on School Health, 2013). High quality preschool programs should consider how to support family wellness (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services & U.S Department of Education, 2014). There is a spectrum of potential responses to preschool children with ACEs and their possible chain of developmental harm that can
Conclusions
This study provides new national insights regarding preschool suspension and expulsion from the parental perspective. The alarming suspension and expulsion rates call for outreach efforts to promote preventive strategies and minimize the use of these ineffective approaches in preschool settings. The recognition of ACEs as new risk factors has important policy implications. Strong collaborations with special educators, social workers, and mental health professionals can. Finally, early childhood
Author note
The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest. This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
The data were accessed through Child and Adolescent Health Measurement Initiative, Data Resource Center for Child and Adolescent Health. (2016). National Survey of Children’s Health (csv file) CAHMI DRC Data Set. Census Bureau.
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