Market triumphalism and the CBNRM ‘crises’ at the South African section of the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park
Introduction
Transfrontier conservation has taken Southern Africa by storm. The modus operandi remains simple and intuitive: by dissolving boundaries, local benefits grow as conservation and development spread regionally (Sandwith et al., 2001, Ferreira, 2004). The recent trend in the region is for transfrontier initiatives to harness these benefits locally by bridging conservation and development through ‘community-based natural resources management’ (CBNRM). Supposedly scaling up CBNRM principles ensures benefits trickle down to poor, resource ‘dependent’ people near transfrontier areas (Katerere et al., 2001, Van der Linde et al., 2001, GLTP, 2004). We argue, however, that the neoliberal mode in which TFCA planners draw on ‘CBNRM ideals’ – conservation for local people that enhances natural capital and social equality – favors private sector investment in non-consumptive resource uses, rather than resource-based livelihoods (Kellert et al., 2000, Wolmer, 2003, Hughes, 2005). The assumption holds that drawing households into service sector activities, such as nature-based tourism, reduces local dependencies on natural resources in order to externalize use and environmental costs (Harvey, 2005). Nevertheless, as economic restructuring informs CBNRM and regional ‘deagrarianization’ (Bryceson, 1996, Rigg, 2006), studies suggest that poor households continue to diversify the use of natural resources for subsistence and/or cash supplements (Cousin, 1999, Dovie et al., 2002, Shackleton, 2004). Because ‘deagrarianization’ remains incomplete, with a mix of economic sectors, we question the wisdom of neoliberalism supporting and merging with transfrontier-related CBNRM (see Banda, 2002) – the range of ‘community-based’ projects focusing on conservation and development through and/or in association with transfrontier conservation.
We argue that the CBNRM ideal underlying TFCAs in South Africa (IUCN, 2002, DAI, 2003a, DAI, 2003b) follows what McCarthy (2005) calls ‘hybrid neo-liberalisms’: the merging of capitalism and conservation to by-pass the ‘subsistence core’ of rural livelihoods. Compared to other countries in the region, South African transfrontier planners make use of a robust national economy to buoy public–private sector investments in ‘community-based’ activities, such as tourism, to finance transfrontier conservation. Increasingly, private sector investments support ‘integrated conservation and development’ and now finance CBNRM, or tourism-based CBNRM associated with transfrontier conservation (Banda, 2002, DAI, 2003a, DAI, 2003b, GLTP, 2004). However, as TFCAs employ such ‘hybrid’ CBNRM, projects fail to reinvest in the resource base of rural households (DAI, 2003a, Turner, 2004), privileging local involvement in low paying service sector jobs and devaluing diverse rural production strategies. Donors, funders and planners now follow this logic to facilitate transfrontier conservation that purportedly supports rural peoples’ livelihoods in the service sector (Van Amerom, 2002, Wolmer, 2003, Hughes, 2005).
Our paper seeks to examine the effects of neoliberal ‘community-based’ approaches through and in association with transfrontier conservation on livelihoods near the South African section of the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park (the GLTP or ‘Great Limpopo’) – Kruger National Park (KNP or ‘Kruger’).3 We contribute to the literature by describing how major political and economic transformations influence the character of CBNRM at Kruger and the GLTP, and how, in turn, project outcomes affect rural livelihoods nearby. South African agencies participating in the shift from coercive conservation to ‘conservation and development’, once supported by race-based spatial segregation, use free market principles to run community-based approaches through national and regional programs that support transfrontier conservation – a neoliberal program rooted in South Africa’s conservation elite and political economic history (see Hughes, 2005).
We suggest that the neoliberal agenda setting the bottom line for conservation policy and practice effectively produces hybridized ‘transfrontier-related’ CBNRM that misses the essence of community-based conservation: assisting impoverished communities set priorities and make decisions for developing natural assets and social equality to reduce livelihood vulnerability and improve conservation (Berkes, 1989, Western and Wright, 1994, Berkes, 2004). We support this assertion by first tracing how regional developments before, during and after Apartheid have influenced devolved conservation between Kruger and the Great Limpopo. We then investigate how the deregulation of policy and practice at Kruger informs its CBNRM initiatives, and how these initiatives parallel and inform the GLTP’s program of devolved conservation.4 This discussion is premised on how mergers of neoliberalism and ‘devolved’ conservation at Kruger and elsewhere, extend to and connect with the transfrontier park’s initiative of using private sector/NGO support to ‘out source’ ‘hybrid CBNRM’. Following this, we draw on a case study of Welverdiend village to demonstrate how and why transfrontier-related CBNRM is ‘misaligned’ with local livelihood strategies and conservation objectives. In line with the above definition, we argue that ‘genuine’ CBNRM can support rural livelihoods in a sustainable manner, that is, investing in sufficient stocks of human, social, natural, physical and financial capital (Scoones, 1999, Ellis, 2000). We contrast and compare livelihoods with project support for local capitals, including household social relations, the use of productive resources, and the sale of commodities, and examine whether such factors are supported by ‘transfrontier-related’ CBNRM. We conclude that successful CBNRM depends on how well it targets and reinvests in livelihood multiplicity, particularly natural resources.
Case study data were collected from July 2005 to February 2006 and involved a mixed-method approach among resource users, NGOs, and government officials. Semi-structured interviews were with farmers, different resource users, and traditional leaders, while intra-household interviews were with middle-aged and elderly women (totaling 30 interviews). We chose each group to ensure a representative cross-section of individuals most active in negotiating access to and use of different natural resources in the community. Middle-aged and elderly women, for example, gave historical insights into how changes in the dynamic between gender and labour were tied to regional socio-political and economic change. Three research assistants were trained to conduct a livelihood questionnaire (random sample, n = 172 of 300 households (57%) in half the settlement, known as Welverdiend B)5 to uncover the links between livelihood diversification and support from ‘CBNRM’ projects independent of or related to the transfrontier park. A policy document analysis was also carried out by both authors. Pseudonyms are used throughout this paper.
Section snippets
Transfrontier conservation and community-based natural resources management
Transfrontier conservation is centre stage of a polemical debate over just how to bridge conservation and development at different institutional scales in Southern Africa. Proponents argue that by expanding protected areas across political and economic boundaries, nations, communities and wildlife benefit from social, economic and ecological multiplier effects. Conservation through transfrontier parks encompasses ‘land and sea that straddle one or more boundaries between states, sub-national
Conclusion
Transfrontier conservation continues to be upheld as an effective means for promoting regional development and securing vast spaces for conservation. The fact that transfrontier conservation supposedly delivers tangible benefits to communities makes it an appealing alternative for politicians, planners and practitioners. In South Africa, it is presumed that the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park holds untapped potential for broad and local solutions to ‘conservation and development’, the basis of
Acknowledgements
The authors gratefully acknowledge their respective funders (see first page), the support of Dr. Wayne Twine and Laura Yeatman at the Wits Rural Facility, TPARI staff Dr. Conrad Steencamp, Daniel Marnewick and Makere, and other faculty at the University of the Witwatersrand. We also thank Drs. Katie Willis (editor, Geoforum), Christian Kull and David Hughes for constructive criticisms of this paper. We give a very special thanks to the people of Welverdiend who endured many hours of
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The author’s research was supported by the National Science Foundation and Carnegie Mellon (Award Number SBR-9521914). The usual disclaimers apply: “Any opinions, findings, conclusions or recommendation expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation or Carnegie Mellon”.
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The author’s contribution to this paper is made possible through the continuous support of the Amsterdam Institute for International Development (AIID) and CERES, the Dutch Research School for Resource Studies for Development.