Arousal increases self-disclosure☆,☆☆
Introduction
Disclosing personal information to others influences impressions that may lead to positive or negative outcomes. A woman might disclose in a job interview that she never wants to have children, perhaps viewed by the prospective employer as positive. But another interviewee may let it slip that they hate Mondays, leaving a negative impression. Given the effect that disclosing personal information often has on others' judgments, people regulate the types of information they reveal in social encounters (Cameron, 2009). In general, people make efforts to conceal intimate thoughts, feelings, and other personal information to less well-known associates for fear of being judged, though strategically disclose more personal information over time to build rapport, signal trust, and bond (Omarzu, 2000; Sprecher, Treger, Wondra, Hilaire, & Wallpe, 2013). Yet despite people's best intentions to regulate the concealment and disclosure of personal information, sometimes people let something slip that they might later regret. Which begs the question; when and why do people self-disclose?
Generally, highly personal information takes some degree of effort to suppress in social situations. Some personal information in social situations tends to be often thought about. For example, research on secrets suggests that information that requires effort to suppress, including some personal information, is prone to ‘mind wandering’ whereby an individual will often think about the information (Slepian, Chun, & Mason, 2017). Efforts to suppress information increases mind wandering, making it more accessible and paradoxically more difficult to suppress (Lane & Wegner, 1995). According to the social facilitation literature, habitual behaviors and thoughts may become a dominant response, which is more likely performed when an individual is aroused (Bond & Titus, 1983; Guerin, 2009). For example, well-learned or rehearsed information is more likely to be recalled when aroused than new or difficult information (Zajonc & Sales, 1966). Consistent with the idea that habitual thoughts and behaviors are more likely to surface when aroused, we explore the idea that people might be more likely to disclose highly personal information when they are aroused.
Most work in this area has focused on the subjective benefits or negative consequences of self-disclosure, gender differences, and reciprocity (for reviews see: Dindia, 2001; Ruppel et al., 2016), but little has been done to understand the factors that influence efforts to conceal or disclose personal information. We examine the hypothesis that affective and physiological arousal increases tendencies to self-disclose personal information.
Section snippets
Self-disclosure
Self-disclosure is when an individual reveals intimate thoughts, feelings, and private details about their lives to others (Dindia, Fitzpatrick, & Kenny, 1997). Self-disclosure enhances bonding when building and maintaining relationships, and may be beneficial for psychological health (Cameron, 2009; Pennebaker, 1995). In dyadic encounters, people disclose personal information in concordance with how much personal information is disclosed to them from the other (Rubin, 1975). Sharing personal
Arousal and self-disclosure
Why might arousal increase self-disclosure? The social facilitation literature suggests that habitual behaviors are more likely to be performed when aroused, and rehearsed information is more readily accessible when aroused (Zajonc, 1965; Zajonc & Sales, 1966). Since highly personal information is familiar and often thought about, requires effortful concealment (Omarzu, 2000), and the mind frequently ‘wanders’ to information that requires effort to conceal (Slepian et al., 2017), then it seems
Overview of studies
In sum, we suggest that highly personal information is more likely to be disclosed when aroused. We test our hypothesis in three studies. In study 1 we conduct a preliminary test on the idea that arousal increases tendencies to disclose personal information, and explore the different types of personal information disclosed. In study 2 we test the severity of personal disclosure, examining the idea that people will tend to disclose personal experiences that are regarded as being more disgraceful
Study 1
The aim of study 1 was to provide an initial test of our prediction that arousal increases tendencies to share personal information. We asked participants to share information about themselves for a dating profile, predicting that arousal would increase the intensity of personal information disclosed.
Study 2
Study 1 provided preliminary evidence in support of our hypothesis that arousal increases the amount of personal information disclosed. In study 2 the objective was to examine the severity of personal self-disclosure when aroused. Specifically, we asked participants to describe a time when they wrote inappropriate, unkind, or rude comments online, predicting that the severity of the experience disclosed by aroused participants would be greater than non-aroused participants. We also asked to
Study 3
In studies 1 and 2 we found evidence to suggest that arousal increases the intensity (study 1) and severity (study 2) of personal information. In study 3 we test how arousal affects disclosure by asking participants directly if they would be willing to disclose personal information. This contrasts with studies 1 and 2 where we had judges evaluating the degree of personal disclosure. Two further objectives were to separate the arousal from the task by evoking physiological arousal, and to
General discussion
People take efforts to moderate their disclosure of personal information. Yet although the strategic management of self-disclosure appears to be a part of life, little is known about why people sometimes self-disclose more personal information than they might otherwise would have. In this research, we examined how arousal affects self-disclosure. In three studies we found that arousal increases: the intensity of personal information disclosed (study 1), the severity of personal information
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This research was supported by a faculty of business and economics research grant FRG2016 at the University of Melbourne, Victoria, Australia.
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We report all measures, manipulations, and exclusions in these studies.