Elsevier

Political Geography

Volume 40, May 2014, Pages 1-12
Political Geography

“Where is the border?” Villagers, environmental consultants and the ‘work’ of the Thai–Burma border

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2014.02.001Get rights and content

Highlights

  • Southeast Asia border studies in conversation with political geography debates.

  • Co-production as an approach to the study of “borders from the bottom up.”

  • The border as site and process of struggle for border residents, other actors.

Abstract

This article examines how Thai–Burma border residents are enrolled and engaged in remaking the political border through their knowledge practices and performances, or their own “borderwork”. Border residents do not perform this work alone, but in connection with other actors including environmental consultants. In order to highlight this co-production of the political border, I bring together border studies scholarship that see borders as process and performance with work in science studies that has highlighted the way that knowledge and order are co-produced. The importance of this approach is that it facilitates an understanding of the multifaceted and contradictory work to remake the border by multiple actors, a way to study “borders from the bottom up” that illustrates how the border is continually enacted. While this article puts forth the notion that the border represents an important site and process of struggle and negotiation in which marginalized communities invest, it also questions the assumption that because residents are engaged in remaking the border, the border is necessarily more ‘democratic’. The discussion and empirical data presented in this article also speak to broader debates in political geography about how borders are remade through practice and performance.

Introduction

Where is the border?1 An older Karen man posed this question during a hearing conducted as part of the decision-making process around the Hatgyi dam proposed along the Thai–Burma border. While the question was asked about one border in particular, it can also be considered part of a larger discussion on political borders. It speaks directly, for instance, to a recent article in this journal (Johnson et al., 2011: 61), which through a series of interventions pointedly asks “where is the border” in border studies?

In conversation with these questions, I argue in this article that residents at the Thai–Burma border are invested in remaking that border through their own “borderwork” (Rumford, 2008a, Rumford, 2008b). In other words, they undertake and are invested in work that manages and remakes the political border, and this runs in contrast to the notion that border residents in Southeast Asia exclusively resist or circumvent the border.

Highlighting the borderwork of residents matters to the study of borders because it shows the extent that conventional border studies continue to privilege the idea of a centralized nation-state. Border studies has too often ignored that the processes of bordering and being bordered are often simultaneous and complementary, and occur at scales that are both bound up with and unbound from nation-states. These parallel and overlapping acts, which require the participation and the active narrative and physical efforts of residents, are the concern of this article.

This borderwork also matters to border residents, such as the individual who raised the question of the border's location. Studies that ignore or that position border residents and other actors as peripheral to political borders also ignore their roles as agents in borderwork. However, I am not proposing that residents act independently or are conducting this borderwork alone. Borderwork is an act of co-production carried out in connection with other individuals and institutions.

Drawing work in political geography into conversation with scholarship in science studies, the research presented here conceptualizes the political border as something that is continually performed and enacted. This conceptualization facilitates an understanding of the multifaceted and contradictory work by multiple actors to remake the border, and offers a way to study “borders from the bottom up”. Acknowledging and examining borders as work can provide an understanding of the process of bordering and of the potentially overlooked relationships between border residents, officials, activists, and environmental consultants, as all engage with the presence and implications of the political border itself. This approach highlights that borders, in their recognition and daily operation, are accomplishments that require work and that must be maintained through their continual enactment and expression at multiple scales and sites.

The research I present here to make these arguments reflects the two intertwined stories of the Salween River-border in Southeast Asia: that of the political border, but also that of the river as a site and pathway for development. Delimited by the British to clarify colonial forestry operations, modern planning for five to six dams along the river-border poses questions for how the border will be transformed. I argue that the Salween case reveals an opportunity to understand how residents are enrolled and invested in border making. To make these arguments, this article draws on 12 months of research conducted in 2010–2011 at the Thai–Burma border, in addition to other locations within Thailand. I also incorporate and build on the rich literature on borders in Southeast Asia, as part of a move to de-center debates on borders and more seriously consider borders scholarship in Southeast Asian and other (post)colonial contexts.

The remainder of this article is organized as follows: first, I provide a more detailed explanation of the study of borders as work. Second, I briefly situate this research within the literature on Southeast Asia borders. Third, I introduce the research site and methods, and fourth, I illustrate how borderwork is carried out there and by whom, drawing on three examples: a participatory project called Tai Baan (“Villager Research”) done by border residents and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the work of environmental consultants who delivered the dam's EIA, and the public information disclosure hearings about the proposed dam that followed the EIA's initial delivery. Finally, I bring together the “work” of these actors to consider the implications and how they inform our understanding how borders are made as well as the motivations for bordering.

Section snippets

Borders as work

The move to understand the border as maintained by a variety of actors2 including local residents, and as done through work, stems from my own effort to make sense of the many contradictory facets of research at the Thai–Burma border. The term “borderwork” as conceptualized by Rumford, 2008a, Rumford, 2008b highlights that borders require work; they are created and maintained by the formal and informal labor of real people. This, in turn, builds on scholarship that has sought to understand the

Imposed, resisted, and used: borders in Southeast Asia

The literature on borders in mainland Southeast Asia has argued that modern borders and states in Southeast Asia emerged radiating from the center (Duncan, 2004, van Schendel, 2002, Walker, 1999), imposed by colonial powers onto more ambiguous or overlapping boundaries (Winichakul, 1994). This scholarly interpretation has been echoed in a frequently stated admonition by campaigners and local residents at boundary sites throughout Southeast Asia that “we didn't cross the border, the border

Background on research site: multiple stories of the river-border

Before introducing my ethnographic fieldwork data, there are details about the story of the river-border that are important to elucidate. This includes information about the border's incomplete delimitation, and about the dam developments currently proposed on and around the transboundary stretch of this river.

The Salween River makes up 120 km (81 miles) of what is understood as the present-day political border between Mae Hong Son Province, Thailand and Karen State, Burma. The border continues

Methods

Research was conducted over one year (2010–2011) in Thai, Karen, and English languages, with the help of a Thai and Karen speaking research assistant. This article is informed by participant observation conducted at villages along the Salween River, and at a series of public information hearings about the proposed Hatgyi dam.7 I also observed and participated in NGO network meetings in Mae Hong Son, Chiang Mai, and Bangkok. I interviewed EGAT officers and environmental consultants in their

Borderwork and border residents: villager research

One way in which people residing at the border are important in addressing questions of how borders are enacted and remade emerged through narrations of village histories. This is evident in the ways that various villages along the river documented and are proud of how they have established committees to specifically monitor the border area, and to decide who is allowed to build houses or move to these villages (see also Rajah, 1990: 126 citing Renard 1980 regarding Karen people assigned

Discussion: implications of and motivations for borderwork

This research conducted at the Salween border highlights the role of residents, consultants, and other actors in bordering, and it reveals the border as site of personal investment. These are characteristics that require incorporation into our scholarship on borders in Southeast Asia. The approach taken here—borders as work—complicates the “imposed” notion of borders, to emphasize how the work of individuals matters to the maintenance of the institution of the political border.

Through

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Peter Vandergeest, Robin Roth, Libby Lunstrum, Michael Cook, James Sidaway and three anonymous reviewers for their critical comments. The research was supported by awards from York University, including the Vivienne A. Poy and the Martin Cohnstaedt Graduate Research Awards. Preliminary research was also supported by a Challenges of the Agrarian Transition in Southeast Asia (ChATSEA) grant. I am most indebted to the activists, residents, academics, scientists and government

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