“Always a glass ceiling.” Gender or autism; the barrier to occupational inclusion

Highlights

• There is a paucity of research for women with high autistic traits (ATs) at work.

• Few studies have considered gender, ATs and work with a reference group.

• ATs, not gender, was significant to most vocational experiences.

• Women with high ATs (vs women without autism) were less likely to work full-time.

• Women with high ATs reported challenges gaining and maintaining employment.

Abstract

Background

Under- and unemployment adversely affect the economic, health, and social circumstances of people with autism; notably those with a diagnosis of autism spectrum disorder or high autistic traits (HATs). However, little research has been published comparing the experiences of women to men with HATs, and women without autism (i.e., those typically developing; TD) to ascertain if employment issues are a function of gender or autistic traits (ATs).

Method

An anonymous online survey was conducted attracting 28 women and 18 men with HATs aged 18–68 years (M = 38.63, SD = 13.12), with a further 21 TD women and 16 TD men aged 23–62 years (M = 38.38, SD = 10.32). Quantitative data were analysed via logistic regression to ascertain the extent to which employment issues were a function of gender or ATs while controlling for confounding variables such as education, and age. Qualitative data were analysed using inductive thematic analysis, then quantitatively using chi-square or Fisher’s Exact Test.

Results

It was found that ATs, not gender, was significant to most vocational experiences.

Conclusions

It is proposed that employers place greater importance on technical ability than social-communication skills when hiring and supervising women with HATs to reduce barriers and increase workplace diversity.

Introduction

Affecting approximately one in 189 females and one in 42 males (Baio, 2014), people with neurodevelopmental conditions such as those with High Autistic Traits (HATs), including Asperger’s Syndrome, exhibit greater difficulties with interpersonal skills than their typically developing (TD) peers; i.e., those without autism (Gal, Landes, & Katz, 2015). While challenges with social-communication and interaction are the hallmarks of autism (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013), these skills are suggested to be imperative to workplace success (Smith, 2013). This includes gaining (Charney, 2016; Deepa & Seth, 2013; Jones, Baldi, Phillips, & Waikar, 2016), maintaining (Agran, Hughes, Thoma, & Scott, 2016; Lin & Kwantes, 2015), and advancing in employment (Deepa & Seth, 2013; Lin & Kwantes, 2015).

However, some employers recognise the unique technical skills possessed by those with HATs compared to those TD (e.g., ASPertise, SAP, Specialisterne, ULTRA Testing, Willis Towers Watson, and Microsoft). Recognition of diversity in employment challenges the social model of disability which stipulates that individuals are not impaired by their disability but by societal barriers (Oliver, 1983). Yet, many with HATs report unfavourable employment circumstances; difficulties gaining and maintaining employment, and skilled underemployment (Hurlbutt & Chalmers, 2004; Müller, Schuler, Burton, & Yates, 2003). These issues can negatively affect well-being (Blustein, Kozan, & Connors-Kellgren, 2013; McKee-Ryan, Song, Wanberg, & Kinicki, 2005; Rosenthal, Carroll-Scott, Earnshaw, Santilli, & Ickovics, 2012). Yet, the extent to which some of these issues might be a function of gender or autistic traits (ATs), while controlling for potenial confounding variables (e.g., education and age) is yet to be investigated.

While challenges with social-communication skills might account, in part at least, for unfavourable occupational experiences of people with HATs, only one known paper has compared individuals with HATs to TD individuals which included women (Gal et al., 2015). These authors reported differences in work related aptitude, such as interpersonal and working styles. However, this research did not investigate the potential influence of gender. Here, gender could be an important variable given other research suggests women with HATs might possess ‘superior’ social-communication skills compared to their male counterparts (Brooks, 2016; Head, McGillivray, & Stokes, 2014; Lai et al., 2011). For women, ‘superior’ social-communication ability could moderate the effects of ATs in the labour market.

Still, gender could negatively impact labour market experiences for women generally (Hoobler, Wayne, & Lemmon, 2009; Joshi, Jooyeon, & Hyuntak, 2015; McGraw, Kramar, & McGraw, 2011), and especially for women with disabilities (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2015; Doren, Gau, & Lindstrom, 2011). Some authors argue that gender inequality (England, 2005; Folbre, 1994) and structural oppression (Ritzer & Goodman, 2008; Young, 2011), i.e., organisations that possess norms favouring men, may contribute to women’s under-representation in the workforce (ABS, 2017b). This includes in full-time employment (Workplace Gender Equality Agency, 2014). Women are also over-represented in part-time and casual work (ABS, 2017a). Thus, they may have limited access to the economic benefits provided by adequate employment (Schofield et al., 2011).

In conjunction with gender, it is possible that education and age may moderate employment experiences. Post-secondary attainment (education beyond High School) may decrease unemployment risk (ABS, 2017b; Ohl et al., 2017). While younger aged persons are at increased risk of unemployment (ABS, 2017b).

Although skilled underemployment, defined by Duffy (2009) as working in a role where skill, knowledge, and experience are not fully utilised, is problematic among those with HATs (Baldwin, Costley, & Warren, 2014; Hurlbutt & Chalmers, 2004; Müller et al., 2003), another type of underemployment yet to be examined is time-related underemployment. Time-related underemployment is not working as many hours, up to full-time, to which a person is willing and able (Hauser, 1974). Research suggests potential time-related underemployment issues among people with HATs, as most of these unemployed individuals report being willing to work (Autism Spectrum Australia [Aspect], 2013; Griffith, Totsika, Nash, & Hastings, 2012). Further, over-representation of those with HATs in casual employment (Autism Spectrum Australia Aspect, 2013; Baldwin et al., 2014) may follow similar patterns in the general population where, compared to full-time employees, casual employees are more likely to report wanting to work more hours (ABS, 2009). In addition, age may moderate this relationship as younger individuals, in the general population, are more likely to be casually employed (ABS, 2014).

Thus, this research contributes to the current literature by investigating if vocational experiences such as skilled and time-related underemployment are a function of gender or ATs, while controlling for either education or age utilising samples of women and men with HATs and TD individuals. Understanding these occupational experiences will assist addressing areas of concern and support reasonable and effective adjustment, if required, to mitigate potential social and economic impacts. Therefore, based on what is known regarding the employment experiences of women generally and individuals with HATs, the following research questions were posed: are overall unfavourable employment experiences influenced by gender or ATs?; Is gender or ATs predicative of occupational instability?; Does gender or ATs influence difficulty maintaining employment?; Does gender, ATs or education predict unemployment?; Are gender, ATs, or age predictive of skilled and time-related underemployment?; Is casual, part-time or full-time employment predicted by gender, ATs, or age?