Reproducing Difference? Schooling, Jobs, and Empowerment in Uttar Pradesh, India
Introduction
Rural north Indians are increasingly seeking prolonged schooling for their sons with a view to obtaining off-farm incomes. A rising rural middle class has been in the vanguard of this change, but the expansion of rural schooling is also affecting substantial sections of the poor. In large parts of rural north India, a shift is occurring from a direct mode of reproduction, wherein resources are passed on within households through the transfer of property at inheritance, to mediated reproduction, in which the provision of educational credentials and social networking skills is increasingly significant (Bourdieu, 1996).
In spite of the importance of these dynamics and their implications for understandings of development, there has been rather little research conducted on the impact of schooling on processes of social differentiation in South Asia. Much development research has considered the role of education in generating “human capital” (e.g., Krueger & Mikael, 2001) often through focusing on children’s access to lower primary schooling (Grades I–V) (e.g., Drèze and Sen, 1995, Govinda, 2002, World Bank, 1998). But issues of power, social change, and the meanings attached to education have not been adequately explored (see also Heyneman, 1980). This article addresses this research gap through exploring how schooling beyond Grade V (upper primary and secondary schooling)1 reproduces, transforms or undermines patterns and processes of social inequality in a single village in rural Bijnor district, western Uttar Pradesh (UP). Drawing on field research conducted by the three authors in 2000–02, we argue that the expansion of upper primary and secondary education is reinforcing inequalities based upon caste and class in western UP while also allowing some Dalits (ex-Untouchables) to challenge established structures of power.2
The next two sections outline the political economy of schooling and employment in UP and the theoretical basis of our enquiry. Section 4 introduces the setting of our research and methodology. In Section 5, we explore the schooling and employment strategies of the locally dominant Jat caste and relatively marginalized Chamars (a Dalit caste) in Nangal village. We uncover the role of secondary schooling in entrenching rural inequalities based upon caste and class. Jats have been more successful than Chamars in the search for educational credentials and salaried employment. Section 6 focuses on the occasional success of educated Chamars in the search for government employment and the social implications of this mobility. Section 7 summarizes our argument and draws out the wider implications of our study for an understanding of social reproduction and development.
Section snippets
The political economy of Uttar Pradesh
Economic neo-liberal reform has sharpened tensions between educational aspirations and employment outcomes for parents and young people in UP, as it has in many other parts of India (Harriss-White, 2003) and the developing world (Bryceson, 2002, Miles, 2002, Silberschmidt, 2001). The liberalization of the Indian economy from 1991 has had a negative impact on rural employment generation in many parts of north India (Chandrashekhar & Ghosh, 2002). Economic reforms have reduced opportunities for
Our approach
Within much development research, education is perceived to provide marginalized people with skills, autonomy, confidence, and freedom (Drèze and Sen, 1995, Sen, 2000). By contrast, many educational sociologists have emphasized the common tendency for schooling to reinforce social inequalities. Schools may inculcate social prejudices, instill notions of failure, or confer advantage on individuals based on their superior position with class, caste, race, gender, or religious hierarchies (Apple,
Setting and methodology
Our research in 2000–02 was based in rural Bijnor district, western UP. Bijnor district’s economy is based on sugarcane, wheat and rice cultivation.8 During 1960–90, the introduction of new agricultural technologies and high government agricultural support prices increased agricultural profits and the demand for labor. The construction of a new road across the Ganges in 1984 opened up direct links between Bijnor and Delhi and promoted
Jat schooling strategies for boys
When we asked Jat parents about why they had provided their sons with education (parha’î), the most common response was that education offers opportunities for boys to obtain naukrî (salaried employment). In this sense, education was central to parental ambitions. In discussing men’s employment opportunities, Jats commonly made a three-way distinction between secure, well-paid, and prestigious jobs within government service (sarkârî naukrî), insecure, temporary, and poorly paid private service (
Bijnor’s “Organic Intellectuals”
Chamars who had obtained at least a Grade VIII pass sought to emphasize their status as urbane “educated” (parhe likhe) people and contrast their behavior with that of the disillusioned Jat young men who had failed to remain in school or obtain salaried work. For example, educated Chamars praised the hygiene and self-presentation characteristic of educated Dalits, “whose homes are so clean that the flies slip off the surfaces,” and contrasted this with school drop-outs among the Jats, who were
Summary and conclusions
A rapidly liberalizing educational market in north India and routine corruption in the competition for secure salaried employment had allowed a rural elite in western UP to obtain privileged access to mainstream schooling and secure salaried employment. Jats had been relatively, but not wholly successful in obtaining valued secondary school qualifications for their sons. Most Chamars were either excluded from secondary school education altogether or received devalued credentials. There was
Acknowledgment
This article is based on research focusing on household strategies, schooling regimes, and social exclusion in western UP. We are grateful to the Economic and Social Research Council [grant number R000238495], Ford Foundation and Royal Geographical Society for funding aspects of this research, and to the Institute of Economic Growth, New Delhi, for our attachment there in 2000–02. None bears any responsibility for what we have written here. We are also grateful to our research assistants,
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