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Transnational Relations and World Politics: A Conclusion

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 May 2009

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World politics is changing, but our conceptual paradigms have not kept pace. The classic state-centric paradigm assumes that states are the only significant actors in world politics and that they act as units. Diverse domestic interests have effects on international politics only through governmental foreign policy channels. Intersocietal interactions are relegated to a category of secondary importance–the “environment” of interstate politics. As Karl Kaiser has pointed out, the reality of international politics has never totally corresponded to this model. Nevertheless, the model was approximated in the eighteenth century when foreign policy decisions were taken by small groups of persons acting within an environment that was less obtrusive and complex than the present one.

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Copyright © The IO Foundation 1971

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References

1 Kaiser, Karl, “Transnationale Politik: Zu einer Thcoric der multinarionalen Politik,” Pohtische Viuerteljahresschrift, 1969 (Special Issue No. 1), pp. 80109Google Scholar. An English translation of this important essay will appear in International Organization, Autumn 1971 (Vol. 25, No. 4)Google Scholar, forthcoming.

2 There are currently several hundred joint ventures of private Western and Communist business enterprises in Eastern Europe. “Europe Economic Survey,” New York Times, January 16, 1970, pp. 49–73; see also Goldman, Marshall I., “The East Reaches for Markets,” Foreign Affairs, 07 1969 (Vol. 47, No. 4), pp. 721734CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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8 For example, “when the Nixon Administration, with at least one eye on the 1972 election, switched signals and called for easing the money supply and lowering interest rates to stimulate business and employment, the outflow of Eurodollars from the United States was set in motion, and the stage was set for monetary trouble abroad.” New York Times, May 10, 1971, p. 52.

9 Hating the Pigs,” The Economist, 08 15, 1970 (Vol. 236, No. 6625), pp. 1718Google Scholar, gives an example of the similarity of phrasing of demands by racial minorities in the United Kingdom and the United States. For a discussion of transnational communications affecting patterns of military coups or insurrections see Huntington, Samuel P., ed., Changing Patterns of Military Politics (International Yearbook of Political Behavior Research, Vol. 3) (Glencoe, Ill: Free Press, 1962), pp. 4447Google Scholar.

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12 See Wilkins, Mira, The Emergence of Multinational Enterprise: American Business Abroad from the Colonial Era to 1914 (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1970)Google Scholar.

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14 See the essays by Lawrence Krause and Robert W. Cox in this volume; see also Schiller, Herbert, “The Multinational Corporation as International Communicator” (Paper delivered at the Sixty-sixth Annual Convention of the American Political Science Association, Los Angeles, 09 1970)Google Scholar.

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16 According toGuetzkow, Harold “multiple loyalties are quite admissible provided the different objects are furnishing compatible solutions to different needs.” Multiple Loyalties: Theoretical Approach to a Problem in International Organization (Publication No. 4) (Princeton, N.J: Center for Research on World Political Institutions, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, 1955), p. 39Google Scholar.

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19 See Singer, J. David, “The Level-of-Analysis Problem in International Relations,” World Politics, 10 1961 (Vol. 14, No. 1), pp. 7792CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 See, especially, Allison, Graham T., Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1971)Google Scholar; or, by the same author, Conceptual Models and the Cuban Missile Crisis,” American Political Science Review, 09 1969 (Vol. 63, No. 3), pp. 689718CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and alsoNeustadt, Richard E., Alliance Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970)Google Scholar.

21 In his essay, “The Multinational Corporation: Measuring the Consequences,” Robert B. Stobaugh argues against images of the multinational business enterprise “as one economic entity controlled by one ‘economic man’ in headquarters rather than of what the enterprise really is: an organization of numerous staff groups and subsidiaries, some of which are large and powerful in their own rights and among which considerable negotiation takes place.” Columbia journal of World Business, 0102 1971 (Vol. 6, No. 1), p. 62Google Scholar.

22 For details about the Spanish case see Keohane, Robert O., “The Big Influence of Small Allies,” Foreign Policy, Spring 1971 (Vol. 1, No. 2), pp. 161182CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on the politics of textile quota legislation see the New York Times, March 16, 1971, p. 51.

23 The example is from the essay by Edward Miles in this volume. Our inclusion of this second dimension is due in large part to his arguments.

24 Transnational actors, like governments, may be unable to make decisions due to bureaucratic politics. Charles P. Kindleberger cites a major oil company that was unable to reconcile the opposing views of its subunits in regard to oil imports into the United States and thus had no position in this seemingly vital issue. See his essay, “European Integration and the International Corporation,” in World Business: Promise and Problems, ed. Brown, Courtney C. (Studies of the Modern Corporation) (New York: Macmillan Co., 1970), p. 105Google Scholar; see also, by Kindleberger, , Power and Money: The Economics of International Politics and the Politics of International Economics (New York: Basic Books, Publishers, 1970), p. 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Angell, Robert Coolcy, Peace on the March: Transnational Participation (New Perspectives in Political Science, No. 19) (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1969)Google Scholar.

26 Cutajar, Michael Zammat and Franks, Alison, The Less Developed Countries in World Trade: A Reference Handbook (London: Overseas Development Institute, 1967)Google Scholar; see also Shonfield.

27 Cox, in this volume, p. 584.

28 See Waltz, Kenneth N., “The Myth of National Interdependence,” The International Corporation: A Symposium, ed. Kindleberger, Charles P. (Cambridge, Mass: M.I.T. Press, 1970), pp. 205223Google Scholar; andVernon, Raymond P., “International Investment and International Trade in the Product Cycle,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, 05 1966 (Vol. 80, No. 2), pp. 190207CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 For a dissenting view see Waltz, Kenneth N., “International Structure, National Force, and the Balance of World Power,” Journal of International Affairs, 1967 (Vol. 21, No. 2), pp. 215231Google Scholar.

30 For example, Moore, William H., chairman of the board of Bankers Trust Company, was recently quoted to have said that “the government and the private sector, for the good of the United States, are going to have to join hands in many projects.” New York Times, 07 13, 1971, pp. 43, 45Google Scholar. When business magazines discuss Japan's export activities, the same theme—the need for more active cooperation between business and government in the United States—is often stressed.

31 Stephen Hymer and Robert Rowthorn, “Multinational Corporations and International Oligopoly: The Non-American Challenge,” in Kindleberger; see also Kraar, Louis, “How the Japanese Mount That Export Blitz,” Fortune, 09 1970 (Vol. 82, No. 3), pp. 126131, 170. 172Google Scholar.

32 Wriston, Henry M., Diplomacy in a Democracy (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1956), p. 26Google Scholar; Briggs, Ellis, “American Diplomacy—The Pelican in the Wilderness,” Foreign Service Journal, 03 1971 (Vol. 48, No. 3), pp. 3840Google Scholar; see alsoCampbell, John Franklin, The Foreign Affairs Fudge Factory (New York: Basic Books, Publishers, 1971)Google Scholar. For these citations and statistics we are indebted to a seminar paper prepared at Harvard University for Joseph Nye by G. Robert Dickerman of the United States Information Agency (USIA).

33 We are indebted for this point to Richard Cooper, “Economic Interdependence in the 1970's,” World Politics, forthcoming.

34 Allison, Essence of Decision; or Allison, , American Political Science Review, Vol. 63, No. 3Google Scholar.

35 For an interesting discussion of the perils as well, as benefits of nationalization seeMoran, Theodore H., “The Multinational Corporation versus the Economic Nationalist: Independence and Domination in Raw Materials,” Foreign Policy, 12 1971, forthcomingGoogle Scholar.

36 Cooper, World Politics, forthcoming. In addition, Cooper suggests an exploitative or parasitic policy option, for example, tax havens and flags of convenience, open to a few small countries.

37 Goldberg, Paul M. and Kindleberger, Charles P., “Toward a GATT for Investment: A Proposal for Supervision of the International Corporation,” Law and Policy in International Business, Summer 1970 (Vo. 2, No. 2), pp. 295325Google Scholar.

38 See Johnson, Harry G., ed., Economic Nationalism in Old and New States (Comparative Study of New Nations Series) (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967)Google Scholar.

39 Kindleberger, Charles P., American Business Abroad: Six Lectures on Direct Investment (New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press, 1969), p. 207Google Scholar.

41 One of the useful tasks undertaken by UNCTAD has been to study and publicize the activities of the liner conferences—important transnational actors in ocean shipping. See Nye, J. S., “UNCTAD,” in The Anatomy of Influence: Decision-Making in International Organizations, ed. Cox, Robert W. and Jacobson, Harold K. (New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press, forthcoming)Google Scholar.

42 Cox and Jacobson found surprisingly few efforts to foster such coalitions.