[1] Munro, W., Authority in Paul and Peter. The identification of a Pastoral Stratum in the Pauline Corpus and I Peter (NTSMS 45, Cambridge: CUP, 1983).Google Scholar

[2] Op. cit. p. 3.

[3] Mitton, C. L., The Epistle to the Ephesians: Its Authorship, Origin and Purpose (Oxford, 1951) 280–315Google Scholar; idem, ‘The Relationship between I Peter and Ephesians’, JTS ns 1 (1950) 67–73.Google ScholarFoster, O. D., The Literary Relations of ‘The first epistle of Peter’ (New Haven, 1913)Google Scholar; Barnett, A. E., Paul Becomes a Literary Influence (Chicago, 1941) 52–69Google Scholar; Beare, F. W., The First Epistle of Peter (3rd ed.Oxford, 1970) vii, 215 f.Google Scholar

[4] Op. cit. p. 197.

[5] Robinson, J. A. T., Redating the New Testament (London, 1976) 140–69.Google Scholar

[6] As Munro herself admits, op. cit. p. 6.

[7] ibid. p. 37, italics mine.

[8] See Carrington, P., The Primitive Christian Catechism (Cambridge, 1940)Google Scholar; Klein, G., Der Ältesse Christliche Katechismus (Berlin, 1909)Google Scholar; Seeberg, A., Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit (Leipzig, 1903).Google Scholar

[9] Op. cit. p. 2.

[10] See Gal 2. 9, where Paul reports that while he went to the Gentiles, James, Cephas and John would go to the circumcised.

[11] Op. cit. p. 110.

[12] Op. cit. p. 110, italics mine.

[13] ibid. p. 2.

[14] See Delling, G., TDNT 8, 39–46.Google Scholar

[15] Hatch, E. and Redpath, H. A., Concordance to the Septuagint and other Greek Versions of the O.T. (Including the Apocryphal Books) (Oxford: Clarendon, 1897).Google Scholar

[16] Cf. the variant which adds ὑποτασσόμενοι in 1 Pet v. 5b. Cf. also 1 Clem 38. 1 f.

[17] Cranfield, C. E. B., ‘Some observations on Romans xiii:1–7’, NTS 6 (1960) 241–9, p. 243.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

[18] Cf. 2 Sam 12. 8; Isa 5. 24–30; Jer 27. 5 f.; Dan 2. 21, 37 f.; 4. 17, 25, 32; 5. 21; Wis 6. 3; 1 Enoch 46. 5.

[19] See Str-B III, 303–4.

[20] 1 Pet 2. 17.

[21] Rom 13. 7.

[22] Rom 13. 5.

[23] 1 Pet 2. 13.

[24] See Eph 5. 22, ὠς τῷ Κυρίῳ; Col 3. 18, έν Κυρίῳ; 1 Clem 21. 6, τòν Κύριον ΊησοṺν χριστόν… έντρπμεν … Bammel, Hence E., ‘The Commands in I Peter II.17’, NTS 11 (1965) 279–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar, suggests that the author has adapted a Jewish Haustafel and added διà τòν Κύριν to turn it into a Christian ethic.

[25] C. E. B. Cranfield, op. cit. pp. 247 ff. Cf. Cranfield, C. E. B., The Epistle to the Romans, ICC, 2v. (6th ed.Edinburgh: Clark, 1975/1979) 669–73.Google Scholar

[26] Jesus' saying in Mk 12. 17, ‘Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's’, was probably taken to imply ‘honour’ to the Emperor and ‘fear’ to God.

[27] In his views, James appears to be much closer to Qumran, the Pharisees and Zealots. Hegesippus' story, although it has many legendary traits, relates that James was nicknamed Oblias, ‘bulwark of the people’. (E.H. II, xxiii:7, LCL I, p. 170) The Oblias part naturally derives from a misreading of the majuscule ΩΒАΔΙАΣ – ώβαδίας = = Obadia = ‘servant of God’ (and Lord Jesus Christ. – Jas 1. 1).

[28] Such a view would tally with the situation in Judea between 42–66 AD. Josephus Ant 19: viii: 2 and Acts 12. 21–23 recount how Herod Agrippa allowed himself to be honoured as a god and consequently died in 42 AD. The successive Roman Procurators, who ruled Judea after Herod, were ever more loathsome to the Jews, whose eschatological expectations were running very high at that time and culminated in the outbreak of the Jewish War in 66 AD.

[29] Rengstorf, K. H., TDNT 2, 261–80Google Scholar has listed the precedents for δοṺλος οεοṺ in the LXX where it is used to denote all Israel, (Deut 32. 36) as well as particular important individuals such as Moses (1 Kgs 8. 53, 56: Mal 3. 24) David and some prophets in their relationship to God (1 Kgs 8. 66; Jer 7. 25; Amos 3. 7). 1 Pet 2. 16 similarly applies it to Christians. (Cf. Herrn. Vis. 1:2,4) Elsewhere in the NT it denotes particular individuals like prophets (Rev 10. 7; 11. 18) and apostles (Acts 4. 29; Tit 1. 1). Paul adds it to his self-designation as an apostle in Rom 1. 1, while the two titles are also combined in 2 Pet 1. 1. Thus for 1 Peter his readers are strictly δοṺλοι οεοṺ as they live under a theocracy. Unlike the people of the Ancient Near East, amongst whom loyal subjects would generally describe themselves as δουλοί of their king or ruler, Jews could never be slaves of anyone but God.

[30] Lohmeyer, E., Kyrios Jesus: Eine Untersuchung zu Phil.2:5–11 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1961)Google Scholar and Martin, R. P., An Early Christian Confession (London: Tyndale, 1960)Google Scholar have shown conclusively that this was an early confessional hymn of the primitive Judean church.

[31] Jeremias, J., TDNT 5, 709.Google Scholar Cf. Dodd, C. H., According to the Scriptures (Welwyn: Nisbet, 1952) 94.Google Scholar

[32] See Daube, D., ‘Κερδαίνω as a missionary term’, HTR 40 (1947) 109–12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

[33] 1 Peter has summarized this whole idea in the hapax legomenon άπροσωπολήμπτως in 1. 17, which is an expression typical of Jewish piety.

[34] Cf. Isa 51. 2; Heb 11. 11. With Rebecca, Leah and Rachel, she was accounted one of the four mothers of the people, see Str-B I, 29–30.

[35] ‘After I have waxed old, shall I have pleasure, my lord being old also?’ See Str-B III, 764.

[36] Selwyn, E. G., The First Epistle of St. Peter (2nd ed.London: 1947) 143–4 & 183.Google Scholar

[37] Best, E., I Peter (London, 1971) 117.Google Scholar

[38] Cf. Sir 40. 26; Pirke Aboth 3. 13.

[39] For a detailed survey of typically Jewish traits and expressions of thought in 1 Peter, see Dijkman, J. H. L., The Socio-Religious Condition of the Recipients of I Peter (Unpublished Thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa, 1984) 22–141.Google Scholar