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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 August 2013
This research was supported by the Faculty Research Development Program of Concordia University, Montreal, and by a Rome Award at the British School at Rome. I would like to thank both institutions for their generosity. I am also grateful to Padre Rojo Martinez, archivist of the Augustinian Order at the Collegio di Santa Monica, Rome, to Roberto Cobianchi, Andrew Hopkins and Maria Pia Malvezzi, and to the two anonymous readers for the Papers of the British School at Rome.
1 von Harff, A., The Pilgrimage of Arnold von Harff, Knight (ed. and trans. Letts, Malcolm) (London, 1946), 18Google Scholar.
2 von Harff, Pilgrimage (above, n. 1), 29 and 31.
3 von Harff, Pilgrimage (above, n. 1), 34–5.
4 E.D. Howe, ‘The Miraculous Madonna in fifteenth-century Roman painting’, Explorations in Renaissance Culture 8–9 (1982–3), 1–21. Fuller bibliography is provided below.
5 The fundamental sources are Bentivoglio, E. and Valtieri, S., Santa Maria del Popolo a Roma (Rome, 1976Google Scholar); Cannata, R.et al., Umanesimo e primo Rinascimento in Santa Maria del Popolo (Rome, 1981Google Scholar); and Bauman, L.P., Power and Image: Della Rovere Patronage in Late Quattrocento Rome (Ann Arbor, 1990), 40–52 and 172–221Google Scholar.
6 The last full monograph on the artist was published by Carli, E., Il Pintoricchio (Milan, 1960Google Scholar). Recent studies include Nucciarelli, F.I., Studi sul Pinturicchio dalle prime prove alla Cappella Sistina (Ellera Umbra (PG), 1998Google Scholar); Benazzi, G. (ed.), Pinturicchio a Spello (Milan, 2000Google Scholar); Poeschel, S., Alexander Maximus: da Bildprogramm des Appartamento Borgia im Vatikan (Weimar, 1999Google Scholar); and the general study by Luchinat, C. Acidini, Pintoricchio (Antella (Florence), 1999Google Scholar).
7 Pinturicchio worked extensively on palace decoration for Innocent VIII Cibo, Alexander VI Borgia and Giuliano della Rovere, later Julius II; his final commissions included the Piccolomini Library frescoes in Siena, celebrating the life of Pius II and commissioned by his nephew Pius III. For Chigi's comment, see Bauman, Power and Image (above, n. 5), 200–1: ‘E questo che si chiama Patoricchio e stao suo discepolo [i.e. of Perugino], il quale al presente non e qui: altri Maestri non ci sono che vaglino’.
8 Vasari, G., Le vite de' più eccellenti pittori, scultori ed architettori (ed. Milanesi, G.), 8 vols (Florence, 1906), III, 493–528Google Scholar, these references pp. 493 and 499.
9 Scarpellini, P., ‘Pinturicchio’, in Turner, J. (ed.), Dictionary of Art, 34 vols (New York, 1996), XXIV, 829–32Google Scholar.
10 The uncertainty goes back to Vasari, who states: ‘Nella chiesa di S. Maria del Popolo dipinse due cappelle, una per il detto Domenico della Rovere cardinale di S. Clemente, nella quale fu poi sepolto, e l'altra a Innocenzio Cibo cardinale, nella quale anch'egli fu poi sotterrato, et in ciascuna di dette cappelle ritrasse i detti cardinali che le fecero fare’. The single fragment from the quattrocento Cibo Chapel, a Madonna and Child now in Santi Pietro e Francesco in Massa, is now linked to the style of Antoniazzo Romano and the Master of Tivolo; and there are no clearly recognizable portraits in the della Rovere chapel.
11 The most recent study of either chapel is La Malfa, C., ‘The Chapel of San Girolamo in Santa Maria del Popolo in Rome. New evidence for the discovery of the Domus Aurea’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 63 (2000), 259–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which ignores the religious elements. For the link to pilgrims, see Bauman, Power and Image (above, n. 5), 217 and 220–1; detailed bibliography on the grotesques and architecture is given below.
12 On Sixtus, see Lee, E., Sixtus IV and Men of Letters (Rome, 1978), especially pp. 17–45Google Scholar; and Di Fonzo, L., ‘Sisto IV. Camera scolastica e integrazioni biografiche (1414–84)’, Miscellanea Francescana 86 (1986), 1–491Google Scholar.
13 Lee, Sixtus (above, n. 12), 11–15.
14 Lee, Sixtus (above, n. 12), 211–12 has given a transcription of a sixteenth-century copy of the letter to Cristoforo della Rovere of Vinovo (1434–78), written in 1468. Sixtus's contemporaries had somewhat vague ideas of his origins. The Roman chronicler Jacopo Gherardi of Volterra stressed they were humble, but others, including the Englishman Robert Flemmyng, author of a long laudatory work on the pope, claimed otherwise: see Lee, Sixtus (above, n. 12), 26–8; Pacifici, V., Un carme biografico di Sisto IV del 1477 (Tivoli, 1921–1922Google Scholar).
15 The bibliography on Sistine patronage is understandably extensive. Useful studies include: Benzi, F. (ed.), Sisto IV e le arti a Roma net primo Rinascimento (Rome, 2000Google Scholar); Benzi, F., Sisto IV Renovator Urbis: architettura a Roma 1471–1484 (Rome, 1990Google Scholar); Bauman, Power and Image (above, n. 5); Miglio, M. et al. (eds), Un pontificato ed una città: Sisto IV (1471–1484). Atti del convegno, Roma, 3–7 dicembre 1984 (Rome, 1986Google Scholar); Calvesi, M. and Cavallaro, A. (eds), Le arti a Roma da Sisto IV a Giulio II (Rome, 1985Google Scholar); Bottaro, S., Dagnino, A. and Terminiello, G. Rotondi (eds), Sisto IV e Giulio II: mecenati e promotori di cultura (Savona, 1989Google Scholar).
16 See Krautheimer, R., Rome. Profile of a City, 312–1308 (Princeton (NJ), 1980), 46–58Google Scholar. Sixtus was also elected in a conclave begun on the feast of Sixtus II (6 August): Crescentini, C., ‘Roma, Sisto IV della Rovere e il ‘gran compositore’ Andrea Bregno’, in I Delia Rovere nell'Italia delle corti, 4 vols (Urbino, 2002), II, 7–25, at p. 8Google Scholar.
17 In December 1471, Sixtus made cardinals of his nephews Pietro Riario (ob. 1474) and Giuliano della Rovere, the future Julius II. Pietro's nephew Raffaello Riario (ob. 1521) was promoted in 1477 with their cousin Girolamo Basso della Rovere (ob. 1507), and the Piemonte ‘affinis’ Cristoforo della Rovere (ob. 1478). Cristoforo's brother Domenico was promoted in 1478, after Cristoforo's death. On the secular side, Giuliano's brother Leonardo was made Prefect of Rome in 1472, and married the illegitimate daughter of Ferrante of Naples; another brother, Giovanni, became signore of Senigallia in 1474 and succeeded Leonardo as Prefect of Rome. Their cousin Girolamo Riario was made Lord of Imola in 1473, and later Vicar of Forli.
18 For the version given by the Nuremberg nobleman Nicholas Muffel, who came to Rome in 1452, see Valentini, R. and Zucchetti, G., Codice topografico della città di Roma, 4 vols (Rome, 1940–1953), IV, 351–73Google Scholar. The legend also appears in quattrocento guides to indulgences for pilgrims: Huelsen, C., Le chiese di Roma nel medioevo. Catalogo ed appunti (Florence, 1927), 150–1Google Scholar.
19 ‘De Sancta Dei genetricis imagine quae in basilica illius majori asservatur’, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana [hereafter BAV], Vat. Lat. 3921, 72–88r, 77r–v. The manuscript has been discussed by Howe, ‘Miraculous Madonna‘ (above, n. 4).
20 The archives of Santa Maria del Popolo are incomplete, having been dispersed when files were removed by Napoleon's troops to Paris and only partially returned. The main archives, including those of the Lombard Congregation per se, are in the General Archives of the Order [hereafter AGA] at the Collegio di Santa Monica in Rome, and have been studied by van Luijk, B., ‘Les archives de la Congrégation de Lombardie et du couvent de S. Maria del Popolo à Rome’, Augustiniana 18 (1968), 100–15Google Scholar. Those that deal with the Popolo itself are in the Archivio di Stato di Roma [hereafter ASR], Fondo corporazioni religiose, conventi soppressi, Agostiniani de Maria del Popolo. Most quattrocento documents are lost in any case, but some are known through an index made in 1777 by Tommaso Verani, Procurator General of the Order, ‘Indice dell'Archivio della Procureria Generale dei Padri Agostiniani della Congregazione di Lombardia nel convento di S. Maria del Popolo di Roma, 1200–1667’. This and a number of other documents are transcribed in Bentivoglio and Valtieri, Santa Maria del Popolo (above, n. 5), 159–264; Bauman, Power and Image (above, n. 5), 437, n. 94, discusses the history of the documents.
21 Valentini, and Zucchetti, , Codice topografico (above, n. 18), III, 273Google Scholar n. 1. Santa Maria is listed (273 and 294) in both the Catalogue of Paris (compiled either c. 1230 or 1272–6) and the Catalogue of Turin (1313–39) as ‘Sancta Maria de Populo’ alongside other Marian churches. The Catalogue of Turin specifies ‘Ecclesia Sanctae Mariae de Populo habet fratres Heremitarum XII’.
22 See Oliger, P. Livarius. ‘De fratribus minoribus apud S. Mariam Populi Roma e a. 1250 habitantibus’, Archivium Franciscanum Historicum 18 (1925), 293–5Google Scholar. Though often cited to prove a pre-existing Franciscan community, Oliger noted that there was no record of such a congregation in the Order's own sources, and that it is possible some friars from the Ar a Coeli simply stayed there temporarily.
23 Huelsen, Le chiese di Roma nel medioevo (above, n. 18), 150–1.
24 There is an extant record of donations and properties: AGA, Cronjca Donati.rii S. Mariae de Populo de Urbe, E.E. 3. In 1461 the general chapter of the Augustinian Observance of Rome met in the church.
25 Infessura, Stefano, Diario della città di Roma (Fonti per la storia d'Italia) (second edition) (ed. Tommasini, O.) (Rome, 1890), 23, 64–5Google Scholar, recorded that Martin V and Pius II both stayed overnight here before proceeding to Saint Peter's; other visitors are also noted.
26 For other civic cults of portraits of Mar y in Rome, see: Belting, H., Likeness and Presence: a History of the Image before the Era of Art (trans. Jephcott, E.) (Chicago/London, 1994), 311–48Google Scholar; Wolf, G., Salus Populi Romani: die Geschichte Romischer Kultbilder im Mittelalter (Weinheim, 1990Google Scholar);and Amato, P., De Vera Fffigie Mariae: antiche icone romane (Milan/Rome, 1988Google Scholar).
27 Capgrave, J., Ye Solace of Pilgrimes (ed. Mills, C.A.) (London, 1911), 164–5Google Scholar. I have modernized the text.
28 A. Esposito, ‘Centri di aggregazione: la biblioteca agostiniana di S. Maria del Popolo’, in Miglio, Un pontificato (above, n. 15), 569–96, this reference pp. 594–5.
29 Infessura, Diario (above, n. 25), 72, 85–6.
30 For the Popolo on maps, see Maddalo, S., In Figura Romae: immagini di Roma nel libro medioevale (Rome, 1990Google Scholar). Bauman, Power and Image (above, n. 5). 42-5, suggested the choice of the Popolo was almost by default, as the titular churches of many nipoti were for various reasons unavailable. Pietro Riario and the late Giuliano della Rovere's Sand Apostoli, for instance, lay in Colonna territory, and the papacy was allied with the Orsini. None the less, it is clear the Popolo was uniquely suited to della Rovere aims.
31 ‘Ein Indulgenzbrief Sixtus' des Vierten’, Frankfurter Bücherfreund: Mitteilungen aus dem Antiquariate 5 (1907), 33–6Google Scholar.
32 Walsh, K., ‘The Observance: sources for a history of the Observant reform movement in the Order of Augustinian Friars in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries’, Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 31 (1977), 40–67Google Scholar.
33 Bauman, Power and Image (above, n. 5), 50.
34 Bauman, Power and Image (above, n. 5), 50; Bentivoglio and Valtieri, Santa Maria del Popolo (above, n. 5), 20.
35 See, for instance, Albertini, F. degli, Opusculum de Mirabilis Nove et Veteris Rome editus a Francisco Albertino Florentino (Rome, 1510Google Scholar), dedicated to Pope Julius II, formerly Giuliano della Rovere. Not everyone was convinced by the Sistine refashioning. Infessura, Diario (above, n. 25), very pro-Colonna and therefore anti-della Rovere, recorded doggerel verses on Sixtus including (p. 158): ‘Leno vorax, pathicus, meretrix, delator, adulter / Si Romam veniet, illico Croesus erit./ Paedico insignis, praedo furiosus, adulter / Exitiumque Urbis pernitiesque Dei. Gaude, prisce Nero, superat te crimine Xystus; / Hic scelus omne simul clauditur et vitium’.
36 Benzi, Sisto IV Renovator Urbis (above, n. 15), 64–6 and 99–107, argued that the church was built from about 1473-7 by Baccio Pontelli, mentioned by Vasari, and by Giovannino de' Dolci; Benzi also noted that the proportions of the building are those of the Temple of Solomon, which would also be used for the Sistine Chapel. Bentivoglio and Valtieri, Santa Maria del Popolo (above, n. 5), 15–22, suggested the Lombard Andrea Bregno, who created the high altar tabernacle; they dated the building to between 1472 and 1477, and noted that the closest analogues were Lombard churches such as San Salvatore in Pavia and San Pietro in Gessate in Milan.
37 For the chapels, see: A. Cavallaro, ‘Introduzione alle cappelle maggiori’, in Cannata et al., Umanesimo e primo Rinascimento (above, n. 5), 75–84; Bentivoglio and Valtieri, Santa Maria del Popolo (above, n. 5), 73–120.
38 Chambers, D.S., ‘What made a Renaissance cardinal respectable? The case of Cardinal Costa of Portugal’, Renaissance Studies 12 (1998), 87–108CrossRefGoogle Scholar, traced Costa's close links to Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, and noted that Lorenzo Cibo was also a member of their faction. Costa said one of the three funeral offices at Sixtus's death, and specified in his 1492 will that his tomb was to be similar to that of the Bishop of Recanati (Girolamo Basso).
39 For the Millini: Corbo, A.M., ‘La committenza nelle famiglie romane a metà del secolo XV: il caso di Pietro Millini’, in Esch, A. and Frommel, C.L. (eds), Arte, commitenza ed economia a Roma e nelle corti del Rinascimento 1420–1530. Atti del convegno internazionale, Roma 24–27 ottobre 1990 (Turin, 1995), 121–53Google Scholar.
40 The facade acquired its present volutes, and the interior received a heavy cornice with sculpted angels, a new altar tabernacle and enlarged windows above the arcades of the nave: Ackerman, F., ‘Berninis Umgestaltung des Innenraumes von S. Maria del Popolo unter Alexander VII (1655–59)’, Romisches Jahrbuch der Bibliotheca Hertziana 31 (1996), 369–426Google Scholar; Bentivoglioand Valtieri, Santa Maria del Popolo (above, n. 5), 59–66.
41 The signed and dated tabernacle is now partly dismantled and is to be found in the sacristy of the church. It bears the Borgia arms at the base. Partridge, L. and Starn, R., A Renaissance Likeness: Art and Culture in Raphael's ‘Julius II’ (Berkeley (CA), 1980), 99Google Scholar, noted that Giuliano's arms appear on its top, and suggested that the base might have been added later from another source. Giuliano would also have the choir altered by Bramante, and then frescoed by Pinturicchio, placing tombs for his cousin Girolamo Basso and Ascanio Sforza within it. Their argument has not been widely accepted: see P. Cellini, ‘Un'architettura del Bregno: l'altare maggiore di S. Maria del Popolo’, in Cannata et al. Umanesimo e primo Rinascimento (above, n. 5), 99–108. It seems as likely that Giuliano's arms were added during the alterations of the choir.
42 AGA, EE, ‘Cronaca’. fol. 26: in 1478 Pedro Ferriz, Cardinal of San Sisto and Bishop ‘Tirasonensis’, or of Tarragona, left a palace to the Order in his will. He had been appointed by Sixtus in December 1476, along with Giovanni Millini (or Mellini) and Giorgio de Costa. Domenico della Rovere was executor of the will: Alessio, G.C., ‘Per la biografia e la raccolta libraria di Domenico della Rovere’, Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 27 (1984), 175–231Google Scholar, at p. 193.
43 For the biography of Domenico della Rovere of Vinovo and his brother Cristoforo, see: Alessio, ‘Per la raccolta’ (above, n. 42); Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome, 1960–), VII, 334–7Google Scholar; and Tenivelli, C., Biografia Piemontese, 4 vols (Turin, 1784–1992), IV, 101–94Google Scholar. On Domenico's patronage: Romano, G. (ed.), Domenico della Rovere e il Duomo Nuovo di Torino (Turin, 1990Google Scholar); and the excellent study by Aurigemma, M.G. and Cavallaro, A., Il palazzo di Domenico della Rovere in Borgo (Rome, 1999Google Scholar). For the chapel, in addition to the sources on the church in n. 5 above, see L'intervento di restauro della Cappella Domenico della Rovere in Santa Maria del Popolo, Roma (Turin, 1995Google Scholar). The chapel was restored between July 1994 and November 1995.
44 C. Strinati, ‘Pinturicchio: un esempio di artista-progettista’, in L'intervento di restauro (above, n. 43), 23–4, who however did not accept the attribution of the panel to Perugino. For the painting: Valsassina, C.B. and Garibaldi, V. (eds), Dipinti, sculture e ceramiche della Galleria Nazionale dell'Umbria: studi a restauri (Florence, 1994), 231–4Google Scholar.
45 For Girolamo Basso, see: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (above, n. 43), VII, 152–3; and D. Frapiccini, ‘Il cardinale Girolamo Basso della Rovere e la sua cerchia tra contesi marchigiani e romani’, in M Gallo (ed.), I cardinali di Santa Romana Chiesa, I: ‘Quasi oculi et aures ac nobilissimae sacri capitis partes’ (Rome, 2001), 8–23Google Scholar. On the chapel: Bandini, G., ‘Il pavimento maiolicato della cappella Basso della Rovere in Santa Maria del Popolo’, in De Minicis, E. (ed.), Ceramiche di Roma e del Lazio in eta medievale e moderna, II: Atti del convegno di studi, Roma, 6–7 maggio 1994 (Rome, 1995), 38–52Google Scholar.
46 The fundamental studies are Schulz, J., ‘Pinturicchio and the revival of antiquity’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 25 (1962), 35–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Dacos, N., La decouverte de la Domus Aurea et la formation des grotesques à la Renaissance (London, 1969Google Scholar). See also A. Cavallaro, ‘Pinturicchio, l'antico e il cardinale Domenico della Rovere’, in Cannatà et al., Umanesimo e primo Rinascimento (above, n. 5), 61–74; Ghersi, L. Finocchi, ‘Ornamenti ‘all'antica’ in alcune fabbriche commissionate dal cardinale Giuliano della Rovere: architetti e problemi di stile’, Quaderni del Dipartimento Patrimonio Architetwnico e Urbanistico 3 (1993), 71–96Google Scholar; and La Malfa, ‘The Chapel of San Girolamo’ (above, n. 11). A useful general study is Sandström, S., Levels of Unreality: Studies in Structure and Construction in Italian Mural Painting during the Renaissance (Uppsala, 1963Google Scholar).
47 For the patrons, see, for instance: Cavallaro, ‘Pinturicchio, l'antico’ (above, n. 46), 65; for pilgrims: Bauman, Power and Image (above, n. 5), 217, 220–1.
48 Marin, L., ‘Pinturicchio à Spello’, in Opacité de la peinture. Essais sur la représentation au Quattrocento (Paris, 1989), 51–72Google Scholar.
49 L'intervento di restauro (above, n. 43), 26; Bauman, Power and Image (above, n. 5), 187. In proposing a date of c. 1479, La Malfa, ‘The Chapel of S. Girolamo’ (above, n. 11), seemed unaware that she was echoing Baumanand L'intervento di restauro, both omitted from her bibliography.
50 Bandini, ‘Il pavimento maiolicato’ (above, n. 45), 38–52. The chapel was acquired by the patron in 1484, and the author noted that there were tiles in the Museo Nazionale di Palazzo Venezia which she believed came from this chapel, one with the papal tiara and umbrella over the della Rovere arms. As Sixtus died in 1484, she suggested that year for the execution of the chapel. To establish a terminus ante quern, Bandini stated that there was a transcription of the cardinal's (lost) 1498 will in the archives of the Order in Rome, and as this did not mention work on the chapel, it must have been finished by this time: AGA, VV, ‘Memorie antiche della Villa Madama, data alia Congregazione dal Cardinale Girolamo Basso della Rovere, chiamato Recanatensis (1370–1650)’, fols 45r–46v. However, this is simply a recording of the acquisitions and titles of the properties eventually bequeathed to the Order by Girolamo Basso, and only the relevant portions of the will were transcribed. It is true, however, that his wish that daily and anniversary masses be said for him in his chapel is noted, and the chapel is not at this point listed as under construction (46v).
51 Farinella, V., Archeoloqia e pittura a Roma tra Quattrocento e Cinquecento (Turin, 1992), 24Google Scholar, n. 50. The inscription reads: OMGNI POLTRO GHUASTAT/PINTORICHIO SODOMITA.
52 Schulz, ‘Pinturicchio and the revival of antiquity’ (above, n. 46), 50–1, who also showed the Domus Aurea ‘Volta Dorata’ was an exact model for Pinturicchio's vault for the Sienese palace of Pandolfo Petrucci of 1508–9, now in the Metropolitan Museum in New York.
53 The point is a contentious one. La Malfa saw a section of a pilaster to the left of the Adoration fresco as ‘clearly inspired’ by the grotesques of the semi-dome of the Room of Achilles on Skyros in the Domus, but it is not an exact match. Bauman believed small antiquarian objects like cameos could have provided models; and Anna Cavallaro suggested that it was rather in the relatively loose brushwork and style that antique influence could be seen; La Malfa, ‘The chapel of San Girolamo’ (above, n. 11), 270; Bauman, Power and Image (above, n. 5), 184; Cavallaro, ‘Pinturicchio, l'antico’ (above, n. 46), 74.
54 Sources are given in nn. 43and 45 above.
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56 There is an enormous bibliography on classicism in this period, and it makes little sense to summarize here. Among the best studies: Barkan, L., Unearthing the Past: Archaeology and Aesthetics in the Making of Renaissance Culture (New Haven/London, 1999), 119–207Google Scholar; Squarzina, S. Danesi (ed.), Roma centro ideale della cultura dell'antico nei secoli XV e XVII (Milan, 1989Google Scholar); Da Pisanello alla nascita dei Musei Capitolini: l'antico a Roma alia vigilia del Rinascimento (Milan/Rome, 1988Google Scholar); Settis, S. (ed.), Memoria dell'antico nell'arte italiana, 3 vols (Turin, 1985Google Scholar); Yuen, T., ‘The ‘Bibliotheca Graeca’: Castagno, Alberti, and ancient sources’, Burlington Magazine 112 (1970), 725–36Google Scholar; and Weiss, R., The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (Oxford, 1969Google Scholar).
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64 Esposito, ‘Centri’ (above, n. 28), 593.
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69 O'Malley, Praise (above, n. 65), 61, recorded a sermon there before Sixtus on December 8, 1472, on the theme of the Immaculate Conception.
70 O'Malley, Praise (above, n. 65), 66 and 101–4; for Mariano and Egidio or Giles of Viterbo, see Rowland, High Renaissance (above, n. 57), 143–50.
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