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An ‘international’ theory of inter-ethnic war*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 April 1996

Extract

Over the years, a number of scholars have noted that ethnic groups in violent conflict act much like states in the international system; James O'Connell describes the dynamics as ‘international relations without safeguards’. Brief observations aside, however, few works actually apply International Relations theory to explain large-scale ethnic violence. While the oversight ought to be surprising, it is easily explained in terms of what International Relations theory calls the ‘level of analysis problem’.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 1996

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References

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5 The only real exception is Posen, Barry, ‘The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict’, Survival, 35 (1993), pp. 2747CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Other third-image models, such as Rothchild, Donald, ‘An Interactive Model for State-Ethnic Relations’, in Deng, Francis M. and Zartman, I. William (eds.), Conflict Resolution in Africa (Washington, DC, 1991)Google Scholar, are not primarily about large-scale violence; while others, such as Crighton, Elizabeth and Iver, Martha Abele Mac, ‘The Evolution of Protracted Ethnic Conflict’, Comparative Politics, 23 (1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, are only tangentiaily third-image explanations.

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13 Fears of ethnic extinction need not, of course, be perceptual, even for a majority population. The Israelis, who are a declining majority within their border s and a tiny minority in the region, are one example. The author would like to thank T. V. Paul for pointing out this fact.

14 New York Times, 4 February 1993, p. 1.

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64 Alstadt, Azerbaijani Turks, p. 200.

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66 Saroyan, ’ “Karabakh Syndrome” ’.

67 Tamara Dragadze, ‘Azerbaijanis’, in G. Smith (ed.), Nationalities Question, p. 177.

68 Saroyan,’ “Karabakh Syndrome” ’, pp. 23-4.

69 Alstadt, Azerbaijani Turks, pp. 212-13.

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74 Early examinations of Moldovan nationalist mobilization are Crowther, William, ‘The Politics of Mobilization: Nationalism and Reform in Soviet Moldavia’, Russian Review, 50 (April 1991), pp. 183202CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Jonathan Eyal, ‘Moldovians’, in G. Smith (ed.), Nationalities Question, pp. 123-41. A treatment of the later ethnic war is Lamont, Neil V., ‘Territorial Dimensions of Ethnic Conflict: The Moldovan Case, 1991-March 1993’, Journal of Slavic Military Studies, 6 (Dec. 1993), pp. 576612CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

75 See Dima, Nicholas, From Moldavia to Moldova (New York, 1991)Google Scholar.

76 See, e.g., Crowther, ‘Politics of Mobilization’, pp. 186-7.

77 Sovetskaia Moldavia, 15 July 1989, p. 1.

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79 Sovetskaia Moldavia, 4 November 1990.

80 Nicolae Chirtoaca, former national security adviser to President Snegur, suggested this assessment. Alexander Solonari, a Russian-speaking member of parliament, pointed out that to most Russian-speakers, Kostash's name has become a kind of obscenity implying ‘fascist’. Interviews with Nicolae Chirtoaca and Alexander Solonari, Chisinau, March 1995.

81 Dniestrovskaia Pravda, 2 September 1989, p. 1; 5 September 1989, pp. 1, 3; 23 September 1989, p. 9.

82 Socor, Vladimir, Radio Liberty Report on the USSR, 8 September 1989, pp. 33–4Google Scholar.

83 This story was related to me by Valeriu Motei, who was a member of the Moldovan delegation. Interview with Valeriu Motei, Chisinau, March 1995.

84 Current Digest of the Soviet Press, 42, no. 35 (1990), pp. 27–8Google Scholar; Tass, 26 April 1991, in Foreign Broadcast Information Service Daily Report: USSR, 29 April 1991, p. 55Google Scholar.

85 According to former Moldovan security adviser Chirtoaca, the then-commander of the 14th Army, General Yakovlev, sold weapons to the Dniester forces for personal profit. The 14th Army's Tiraspol garrison chief, Col. Bergman, confirmed that the 14th Army was the source of the Dniester Republic's weapons. Interviews with Nicolae Chirtoaca, Chisinau and Col. Matvei Bergman, Tiraspol, March 1995.

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