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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 February 2017
Recent investigations into the survival and dissemination of traditional songs have elucidated the intertwining relationship between print and oral song traditions. Musical repertories once considered distinct, namely broadside ballads and traditional songs, now appear to have inhabited a shared space. Much scholarly attention has been focused on the print and oral interface that occurred in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Britain.
Less attention has been paid, however, to music in Ireland where similar economic, cultural and musical forces prevailed. Yet, Ireland’s engagement in various nationalist activities throughout the nineteenth century added a distinctly political twist to Ireland’s print–oral relationship. Songbooks, a tool for many nineteenth-century nationalist movements, often embodied the confluence of print and oral song traditions. Lacking musical notation, many songbooks were dependent on oral traditions such as communal singing to transmit their contents; success also depended on the large-scale distribution networks of booksellers and ballad hawkers. This article seeks to explore further the print–oral interface within the context of Irish nationalism. Specifically, I will examine how one particular movement, Young Ireland, manifested this interface within their songbook, Spirit of the Nation. By examining the production, contents, and ideology of this songbook, the complex connections between literature, orality and nationalism emerge.
1 See Atkinson, David, ‘Folk Songs in Print: Text and Tradition’, Folk Music Journal 8/4 (2004): 456–483Google Scholar; Atkinson, David and Roud, Steve, eds, Street Ballads in Nineteenth-Century Britain, Ireland, and North America: The Interface between Print and Oral Traditions (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014)Google Scholar; Connell, Philip and Leask, Nigel, ‘What is the people’, in Romanticism and Popular Culture in Britain and Ireland, ed. Phillip Connell and Nigel Leask (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009): 3–20Google Scholar.
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3 Hardiman, James, Irish Minstrelsy, or Bardic Remains of Ireland, 2 vols (London: J. Robins, 1831)Google Scholar. For Hardiman as ‘Irish Percy’, see Charles Gavan Duffy, ‘Introduction’, Ballad Poetry of Ireland (Dublin: James Duffy, 1845): xviii.
4 Broadly speaking, the major nineteenth-century Irish nationalist movements were as follows: Catholic Emancipation of the 1820s, Gaelic Revival of the 1830s, the Repeal Movement and Young Ireland of the 1840s, the Fenian Movement of the 1860s, Home Rule of the 1870s and 1880s and the Gaelic League of the 1890s.
5 Ryan, Joseph, ‘The Tone of Defiance’, in Musical Constructions of Nationalism: Essays on the History and Ideology of European Musical Culture 1800–1945, ed. Harry White and Michael Murphy (Cork: Cork University Press, 2001): 201–202Google Scholar.
6 Deane, Seamus, ‘Poetry and Song 1800–1890’, in Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing, ed. Seamus Deane (Derry: Field Day Publications, 1991): vol. 2, p. 5Google Scholar.
7 See Thuente, Mary Helen, The Harp Re-strung: United Irishmen and the Rise of Irish Literary Nationalism (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1994)Google Scholar for a discussion of the songbooks used by the United Irishmen and by Young Ireland. See Hamish Mathison, ‘Robert Burns and National Song’, in Scotland, Ireland, and the Romantic Aesthetic, ed. David Duff and Catherine Jones (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 2007): 77–92 for the role Robert Burns played in creating Scottish national song through his contributions to the Scots Musical Museum songbooks. See also Trumpener, Katie, Bardic Nationalism: The Romantic Novel and the British Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997): 4–46Google Scholar for an examination of cultural import of folk song collection and music’s role in expressing nationalist ideology.
8 Thomas Davis’s involvement with Irish traditional music can be seen in his correspondence with figures such as William Elliot Hudson, John Edward Pigot, James Hardiman and William Forde (see Thomas Davis Papers, National Library of Ireland MS 2644), as well as in his personal collection of Irish airs (see ‘Collection of Irish Airs’, National Library of Ireland MS 14,099). Davis also wrote extensively on music, particularly in his three essays – ‘Irish Music and Poetry’, ‘A Ballad History of Ireland’ and ‘Irish Songs’ – which appeared first in The Nation and were posthumously published in his collected writings, see Essays Literary and Historical, Centenary Edition, ed. D.J. O’Donoghue (Dundalk: Dundalgan Press, 1914). In these writings, he issued prescriptive norms for the role of traditional music within Irish society, and he wrote with disdain about the influence of European art music, what he called the ‘paltry, scented things from Italy’.
9 Davis co-founded The Nation with John Blake Dillon (1814–1886) and Charles Gavan Duffy (1816–1903); the first issue was printed on 15 October 1842. The stated goal of the three men was to create a journal that would ‘raise up Ireland morally, socially, and politically, and put the sceptre of self-government into her hands’. See Duffy, Charles Gavan, Thomas Davis: Memoirs of an Irish Patriot, 1840–1846 (London: Kegan Paul; Trench, Trübner & Co., 1890): 72Google Scholar.
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12 Connell and Leask, ‘What is the people’, 19.
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14 Terms such as áirneáil, scoraíocht and céilí were used to describe communal gatherings centred around singing and storytelling. See Stiofán Ó Cadhla, ‘The Gnarled and Stony Clods of Townland’s Tip: Máirtín Ó Cadhain and the “Gaelic” Storyteller’, The Canadian Journal of Irish Studies 34/1 (Spring, 2008): 40–46. Henry Glassie wrote extensively on the folk culture of Fermanagh, Ireland and provided important clues as to the social and cultural importance of these gatherings, ‘While stories use the social unity of the ceili to explore painful, explosive issues, songs assume the social disunity of the pub and use their art to bring people into momentary accord. So Fermanagh’s great events are told both in story and in song, and historical understanding unfolds between the intimate hearth and the clattery public house’. See Glassie, Henry, Irish Folk History: Tales from the North (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982): 13Google Scholar.
15 Ciosáin, Niall Ó, Print and Popular Culture in Ireland, 1750–1850 (London: Macmillan, 1997): 187CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 190.
16 Ong, Walter J., Literacy and Orality: The Technologizing of the Word (London: Routledge, 2012): 68Google Scholar, 117.
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23 Page, Title, The Spirit of the Nation, second revised edition (Dublin: James Duffy, 1844): iGoogle Scholar.
24 O’Sullivan, T.F., The Young Irelanders (Tralee: Kerryman, 1944): 58Google Scholar.
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29 The Nation, 27 May 1843, 520.
30 The Nation, 20 May 1843, 504.
31 O’Sullivan, The Young Irelanders, 62. James Duffy (1809–1871) was a prominent Dublin-based Irish publisher. He specialized in publishing nationalist and Catholic religious items, and became the de facto publisher of the Young Ireland movement.
32 Preface, Spirit of the Nation, Part II (Dublin: James Duffy, 1843), iii–iv.
33 Curtis, Benjamin, Music Makes the Nation: Nationalist Composers and Nation Building in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Cambria Press: Amherst, 2008): 24, 26Google Scholar.
34 O’Sullivan, The Young Irelanders, 58.
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36 Review reprinted in The Nation, 17 June 1843, 562.
37 Review reprinted in The Nation, 21 October 1843, 26. The Radicals were on the liberal end of the British political spectrum. They favoured reform of the parliamentary system and the Church of England, and they often sided with O’Connell and his Irish MPs in supporting issues such as Catholic emancipation and reform of the tithing system for the Church of Ireland. See Martin, Howard, Britain in the Nineteenth Century (Cheltenham: Nelson Thornes, 1996): 109–111Google Scholar.
38 A staunch advocate of a union with Great Britain in his early life, Butt’s experiences with the Great Famine led him to turn to Irish nationalism and to support the establishment of a domestic legislature. In 1873 he formed the Home Rule League.
39 The Nation, 17 June 1843, 576.
40 Review reprinted in The Nation, 16 December 1843, 154.
41 The Nation, 27 January 1844, 248.
42 The Nation, 20 April 1844, 440.
43 The Nation, 29 June 1844, 593.
44 The preface for the 1845 edition states that there are 22 old Irish airs arranged for voice and piano. A careful count of the songbook’s index as well as the actual printed music, however, yields a count of 20. Perhaps Davis intended to have 22 arrangements but then had to cut them out immediately before the songbook went to press.
45 The Nation, 28 June 1845, 616. In referring to Irish peasants as ‘black Helots’ and their songs as ‘nigger’ songs, Davis was drawing on a rhetorical trope of the period that linked Spartan helots, Irish peasants and African slaves of the West Indies. Irish authors even frequently used ‘Helots’ as a pseudonym for Irish peasants. See Hodkinson, Stephen and Hall, Edith, ‘Appropriations of Spartan Helotage in British Anti-Slavery Debates of the 1790s’, in Ancient Slavery and Abolition From Hobbes to Hollywood, ed. Edith Hall, Richard Alston and Justine McConnell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011): 90Google Scholar. For example, one Irish author of the period wrote: ‘Oppression is the inevitable result of a state of things in which a marked class has the ascendancy over another; no matter whether the inferior caste be black or white, Irishmen or Helots, Catholics or Plebians, injury and insult must of necessity be its lot’. See William Sampson, Memoirs of William Sampson, an Irish Exile; Written by Himself (London: Whittaker, Treacher, and Arnot, 1832): xiv.
46 See ‘Forty-Five Irish song-sheets, some from the collection of Thomas Davis’, NLI LO 2210.
47 White, Harry, The Keeper’s Recital, Music and Cultural History in Ireland, 1770–1970 (Cork: Cork University Press, 1998): 69Google Scholar.
48 Atkinson, ‘Folk Songs in Print’, 463.
49 Daniel O’Connell was Ireland’s popular leader. He rose to prominence in the 1820s for his role in campaigning for Catholic Emancipation, a role which earned him the moniker ‘The Liberator’. Through the 1830s and 1840s, O’Connell engaged in an intermittent campaign for Ireland’s release from the Act of Union with Britain. With Davis’s assistance, O’Connell’s Repeal Association became a major nationalist movement which reached its zenith in 1842–43. O’Connell’s close relationship with the Catholic clergy and his appeal for Catholic rights made him untrustworthy in the eyes of most Protestant nationalists and put him at odds with Davis’s own non-sectarian brand of nationalism.
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51 Review reprinted in The Nation, 21 December 1844, 171.
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53 To be clear, not every song received musical notation. Seventeen original airs and 20 traditional airs were notated.
54 Curtis, Music Makes the Nation, 107.
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58 The Nation, 24 May 1845, 536.
59 In his Irish Melodies (10 vols, 1808–34), Thomas Moore paired his newly written lyrical verses with traditional Irish tunes. The success of his songs, some of which carried nationalistic undertones, earned him the popular title ‘Bard of Erin’ and drew international attention to the beauty of Irish music. Moore can be seen as the nationalistic forebear to Davis and Young Ireland. See White, The Keeper’s Recital, 36–51 and Music and the Irish Literary Imagination (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008): 35–78; Ryan, ‘The Tone of Defiance’, 197–211; Brown, Malcolm, The Politics of Irish Literature from Thomas Davis to W.B. Yeats (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1972): 58–62Google Scholar; Smith, Gerry, Music in Irish Cultural History (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2009): 16–23Google Scholar.
60 John Edward Pigot (1822–1871) was an avid music collector and barrister. He met Davis while they were both attending Trinity College Dublin and he quickly became an active member of Young Ireland and a contributor to The Nation. Along with Hudson, Pigot provided valuable assistance in preparing the music for the 1845 Spirit of the Nation. Pigot’s personal collection of traditional music is now housed in the Royal Irish Academy in the Forde-Pigot Music Collection (RIA MS 24 O 20). Over 150 of Pigot’s airs were passed on to P.W. Joyce, and appeared in his Old Irish Music and Songs (1909). William Elliot Hudson (1796–1853) was a barrister and a patron of literature, art and music. He financially supported the Citizen, a monthly journal of politics and culture. William and his brother Henry were responsible for the ‘Native Music of Ireland’ portion of the journal, in which they published traditional airs from their own music collection as well as newly composed tunes modelled on traditional ones. See O’Sullivan, The Young Irelanders, 320–27.
61 See White The Keeper’s Recital, 60, and Joseph Ryan, Nationalism and Music in Ireland (PhD diss., National University of Ireland, Maynooth, 1991): 115. Both use ‘bland’ to describe the music in the Spirit of the Nation.
62 White, Music and the Irish Literary Imagination, 47–8.
63 Edward Bunting, preface to The Ancient Music of Ireland, Arranged for Piano Forte (Dublin: Hodges and Smith, 1840): 5.
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69 Forde-Pigot Music Collection, Royal Irish Academy, RIA MS 24 O 20. Image used by permission of the Royal Irish Academy © RIA.
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78 The Nation, 18 February 1843, 300.
79 Cecil Sharp, English Folk-Song: Some Conclusions (London: Simpkin; Novello; Taunton: Barnicott and Pearce, 1907): 16–31.
80 Ong, Literacy and Orality, 80.
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