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Political risk spreads

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Abstract

We introduce a new, market-based and forward-looking measure of political risk derived from the yield spread between a country’s US dollar debt and an equivalent US Treasury bond. We explain the variation in these sovereign spreads with four factors: global economic conditions, country-specific economic factors, liquidity of the country’s bond, and political risk. We then extract the part of the sovereign spread that is due to political risk, making use of political risk ratings. In addition, we provide new evidence that these political risk ratings are predictive, on average, of future risk realizations using data on political risk claims as well as a novel textual-based database of risk realizations. Our political risk spread measure does not make the mistake of double counting systematic risk in the evaluation of international investments, as some conventional measures do. Furthermore, we show how to construct political risk spreads for countries that do not have sovereign bond data. Finally, we link our political risk spreads to foreign direct investment (FDI). We show that a 1% point reduction in the political risk spreads is associated with a 12% increase in net-inflows of FDI.

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Notes

  1. Graham and Harvey (2001) show that for a large sample of US firms the overwhelming majority use a net present value rule for evaluating investment and about 75% use the CAPM as an input for the discount rate. However, Holmen and Pramborg (2009), surveying the capital budgeting techniques for FDI among Swedish firms, show that firms are less likely to use theoretically correct NPV approaches for investments in host countries with elevated political risk.

  2. Lessard (1996) and Bekaert and Hodrick (2011, Chapter 14) argue that in theory political risk should be incorporated into cash flows. Butler and Joaquin (1998) also discuss the choice of incorporating political risk into project cash flows or the discount rate.

  3. Let CF t be the expected cash flows at time t and R t the Recovery value of the MNC’s project in the face of a political risk event at time t. Then the present value of the project is

    That is, we assume political risk probabilities and discount rates to be constant over time (as in our simple example). As long as R t is 0, the relationship in Equation (4) between political risk spreads and p continues to hold. If R t is non-zero, Eq. (6) can be used to infer the correct political risk probability.

  4. The use of sovereign spreads is widespread among consultants, for an overview, see Harvey (2001). Morningstar, a leading vendor of cost of capital estimates in the United States, provides two estimates involving sovereign spreads. Finally, the major international financial management textbooks such as Shapiro (2009) and Bekaert and Hodrick (2011) also mention the practice.

  5. See http://faculty.fuqua.duke.edu/~charvey/PRS/ for the Internet Appendices.

  6. Yet Tomz and Wright (2007), using data for the period 1820–2004, find only weak correlation between economic output in the borrowing country and sovereign defaults. Nevertheless, in the Online Appendix A, we report the pooled correlation of the political risk rating and its subcomponents with our economic rating. The correlations are as low as 0.162 for Religious Tensions and as high as 0.752 for Investment Profile. As the overall political rating is almost 70% correlated with economic risk, it may not be surprising that authors such as Perotti and van Oijen (2001) and Click and Weiner (2010) use the Institutional Investor country risk ratings as a proxy for political risk.

  7. OPIC data exist from 1970 and represent nearly 300 claims. There is some earlier data from 1966 when political risk insurance was administered by the Agency for International Development (USAID). Claims data are available from 1996 at http://www.opic.gov/what-we-offer/political-risk-insurance/claims-determinations.

  8. Nel’s (2007) dissertation follows a similar method to Howell and Chaddick (1994) and reports correlations between 14 countries’ losses and various ratings (14 observations).

  9. For a similar approach see Baker, Bloom, and Davis (2013), as well as Brogaard and Detzel (2012).

  10. Group-wise heteroskedasticity means that each diagonal element of the variance–covariance matrix is unique – each country error has its own variance level. SUR accommodates contemporaneously correlated errors across countries.

  11. The Chicago Board Options Exchange VIX measures the implied volatility of S&P 500 index options. This index is often viewed as an indicator of global risk aversion, but also reflects US stock market volatility.

  12. In our empirical work, we found that using the two ratings separately did not improve the empirical fit, and that both ratings received statistically similar coefficients.

  13. For a subset of countries, we also collect data on 5-year sovereign debt CDS contracts from Markit and run a similar panel model. The results are qualitatively analogous to the results for our main model.

  14. We also estimated a version of Table 3 using the logarithm of the sovereign spread as the dependent variable. The results are similar and are available on request.

  15. Online Appendix E presents the same analysis for South Africa.

  16. This probability is 1−(1−p)10.

  17. The Table 7 regressions have a generated regressor when we use the political risk spread. To address this potential problem, we conducted the following simulation experiment. We draw 1000 alternative first stage parameters from their asymptotic normal distribution (i.e., using the existing point estimates as the mean and the estimated variance–covariance matrix as the variance). We then use these to create annual PRS data for all the countries we use in the second stage. Finally, we rerun our FDI regressions in Table 7 1000 times and store the coefficient values and t-statistics on the extracted PRS and the residual. These estimates, under the alternative, taking our set-up as a starting point, should be centered around our existing point estimates of the coefficients and t-statistics and they are. For example, the t-statistics on the political risk spread is −2.46 in Table 7. The 10th and 90th percentiles of the distribution are −2.52 and −2.27. Hence, we conclude that the generated regressor problem is not interfering with our inference.

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Acknowledgements

This paper has benefitted from the comments of David Reeb and two anonymous referees. We benefitted from the comments of seminar participants at the AFA 2013 meetings, the 2012 Pacific Northwest Finance Conference, Banco Central de Reserva del Perú, Indian School of Business, Case Western Reserve University, Erasmus University, and the University of Virginia. We thank Jonathan Brogaard for sharing computer code to search global news. Siegel acknowledges the financial support from the Global Business Center at the University of Washington. Bekaert acknowledges financial support from Netspar. We appreciate the research assistance of Nicholas Alphin, Zeca Cardoso, Catriona Harvey, Thompson Teagle, Samuel Towne, and Eduardo Vanegas-Garcia.

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Correspondence to Campbell R Harvey.

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Accepted by David Reeb, Area Editor, 7 January 2014. This paper has been with the authors for four revisions.

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Bekaert, G., Harvey, C., Lundblad, C. et al. Political risk spreads. J Int Bus Stud 45, 471–493 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1057/jibs.2014.4

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