Abstract
While the number of definitions and metrics of energy security have expanded rapidly (Ang et al. 2015; Sovacool and Mukherjee 2011), surprisingly little attention has been paid to its core concern: the fear of doing without. Shortages and scarcities are the problem to be solved, hardly ever the object of study itself. Inspired by critical energy security studies and the scarcity, abundance and sufficiency literature, this paper problematises the fears behind energy security through a theoretical review that discloses not one but four conceptualisations of scarcity: shortages, absolute scarcity, relative scarcity and scarcification. Subsequently, this paper makes two arguments. First, that goal-oriented definitions of energy security tend to defend the demand and supply of existing energy systems and hence reperform its exclusions, injustices, inequality and exploitations. Second, that in order to break this cycle it is necessary to re-imagine energy security from a goal into a set of security practices that fall within larger practices of scarcification, paying special attention to the unlimited desire behind relative scarcity that drives most of these practices. The paper concludes with a call for energy security scholars to take up the politics of energy security and recognize their role in reproducing and naturalising particular scarcities.
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Notes
The energy security literature, in my reading, can roughly be divided into five strands. The first category includes the wide variety of explicit (geopolitical) realist and liberal policy reflections (Klare 2012; Peters 2004; Correljé and van der Linde 2006). A second line of work includes the frequent attempts to describe, identify, categorise and quantify a multitude of threats (Ang et al. 2015; Kisel et al. 2016; Kruyt et al. 2009; Sovacool and Mukherjee 2011; Cox 2016). The third strand encompasses the increasing attention to how particular threats are securitised as an energy security concern (Christou and Adamides 2013; Nyman 2014; Szulecki 2018a). A fourth stream of research bundles the few studies that try to understand the deeper underlying logics that structure how policymakers and scholars think, talk and practice energy security (Cherp and Jewell 2011; Ciută 2010). And lastly, a small but growing number of studies focus on the performativity of energy security: the (knowledge) practices and grammar-based politics that constitute (competing) energy security understandings and the socio-political and material effects that enable and result from them (Bridge 2015; Kester 2017, 2018; Nyman 2018b)
My heartfelt thanks to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out.
Just as security inherently relates to insecurity, so too is it impossible to think about scarcity without thinking abundance, and vice versa. A powerful definition of abundance can be found in Mullainathan and Shafir (2013), who describe abundance as the ability ‘not to care’. People who experience abundance have the option to make mistakes or skip corners, in contrast to those living under the constant strain of having to choose between necessary alternatives and the stress of making costly mistakes.
Central here is the idea of (economic) resources. While there are many types of natural resources and things that can become scarce (time, air, etc.), only that what is in demand or desired is actually part of a scarcity discourse. Something becomes scarce only when it is ‘needed’ or ‘wanted’ by society in the first place. The key term here is the verb ‘to become’, in line with De Gregori who argues that ‘resources are not; they become’ (De Gregori 1987b: 1241), by which he implies that ‘resources’ are nothing but the ‘property of things – a property that is a result of human capability’ (ibid.: 1243). Resources derive from human knowledge (e.g. technological prowess) and are in fact an ascription of function to a material object.
I am limiting this to the scarcity literature, thus bypassing the extensive literature on the sociology of consumption; which in relation to energy has been translated to include 6 mechanisms: social comparison (here called relative desire), consumption as a way to create and express self-identity, mental stimulation through novelty; the Diderot effect (that when people change one item, they want to match others); specialisation (increasing number of products within subcategories: not shoes, but tennis shoes, hiking shoes, running shoes, etc.); and sociotechnical systems that ‘lock’ people in (Shove and Warde 2002).
Even in absolute scarcity, desire initially is taken as a given and acts as the basis for the extrapolation. It is only later that it is questioned, quite extremely in the case of Malthus’s suggestions for population control.
A similar argument is made by Luhmann (1988, 1993) who argues that the normalisation of relative scarcity rests heavily on a self-referential system of increasing complexity. A system that starts with access to resources (access/no access), but then moves to similar scarcity references in property, trade, money, savings and capital. Within this process, Luhmann sees the identification of scarcity as both a temporal closure of a long political and systemic processes and as the start of others. Rephrased: when people define something as scarce (a reading of scarcification closer to securitisation theory [Buzan et al. 1998]), they close off a situation, and in doing so exclude others based on this observation. This observation allows scarcity to manifest, which allows it to present itself as the main motif for excluding those others in the first place.
This turns relative scarcity into a saviour and a structural source of violence at the same time. A saviour, because it reduces actual conflict through practices of trade and innovation that lead to better living standards. But also a structural source of violence, one that could very well lead to conflicts yet often is simply accepted as inevitable and the responsibility of the individual in question (e.g. when being poor is attributed to a lack of work ethic). Dumouchel calls this the ‘ambivalence of scarcity’ (Dumouchel 2014) and argues that ‘[s]carcity does not seek to protect agents from violence or hardship by making them reciprocally responsible, but to prevent the spread of violence by removing each person’s incentive to participate in the conflicts of others’ (Dumouchel 2013: 4). In other words, even though violent conflict is not an automatic consequence of scarcity, on the contrary, the relative desire behind relative scarcity is a form of violence itself.
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Acknowledgements
This paper is based on a chapter of author’s PhD research Securing abundance: The politics of energy security (2016) funded by and completed at the University of Groningen. Special thanks are therefore due to supervisors Jaap de Wilde and Benjamin Herborth for discussions and suggestions on earlier drafts. Another round of thanks goes to the editor and two anonymous reviewers for their in-depth comments and suggestions. Evidently, all errors and omissions are mine to account for.
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Kester, J. The scare behind energy security: four conceptualisations of scarcity and a never-ending search for abundance. J Int Relat Dev 25, 31–53 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-021-00216-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-021-00216-0