초록
This study analyzes how the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖, sŏnghak sipto) (1568) written by T’oegye Yi Hwang (1501–1570) was disseminated and diffused amongst future generations of kings and Confucian scholars (16th–20th centuries). It also examines the characteristics of the perceptions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖, Sŏnghak sipto) that existed during the Chosŏn era. What’s more, based on a perusal in a chronological manner of related materials, this study reviews the characteristics of the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning amongst the kings of Chosŏn; moreover, the annotations of Confucian scholars who emerged after Yi Hwang are used to analyze trends in terms of the diffusion of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. Such an exercise is designed to analyze the characteristics of the perceptions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning during the Chosŏn era from a diachronic standpoint. Based on this analysis of the characteristics of the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning during the 16th–20th centuries, as well as trends in the annotation thereof, the perceptions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning during the Chosŏn era can be summarized as follows. First, in its capacity as materials for the learning of monarchs (chewanghak) and of ideological significance of state administration, the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning can be said to have a great influence on Chosŏn. One can see that it served as the standard model for the learning of monarchs in Chosŏn. Second,the trends in the diffusion and annotation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning greatly influenced the course of the development and theoretical deepening of Neo-Confucianism (Zhu Xi’s School of Thought). The annotations of “The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions” (心統性情圖, Simt’ong sŏngjŏng to) Chapter of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 17th century revolved around discussions about the differences between Yi Hwang and Yi Yi over the Theory of Mind and Nature (心性論, simsŏngnon), discussions which greatly influenced the deepening of the Theory of Mind and Nature during the development process of Neo-Confucianism. Meanwhile, reverence (敬, kyŏng) and simsŏngnon-related annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were actively carried out during the 19th century. This trend in terms of the annotation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning can be considered as an example of the theoretical enrichment which the simsŏngnon-based standpoint and kyŏng-centered structure of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning introduced in terms of the deepening of the importance of kyŏng and the simsŏngnon in the subsequent development of Neo-Confucianism in Chosŏn. Third, we can see that Yi Hwang’s thought, which served as the foundation for their own thought, influenced the Silhak (Practical learning) scholars of Chosŏn.
키워드
T’oegye Yi Hwang, dissemination, deepening, diffusion, Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning
1. INTRODUCTION
This study analyzes trends in the manner in which the
The
The importance of the
Although many annotations of the
To this end, the present study intends to complement existing studies results and to analyze how
To this end, the contents and thought structure of the
Furthermore, the analysis takes the form of the 1) chronological research and review of the characteristics of Chosŏn kings’ dissemination of the
While this study uses the
2. THE CONTENTS AND THOUGHT STRUCTURE OF THE TEN DIAGRAMS ON SAGE LEARNING
Background to the Production of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning
T’oegye’s production of the
Despite having a lack of ambition in terms of the acquisition of government posts, T’oegye played an important part in the governance of the nation during the reign of King Sŏnjo. Finding himself incapable to refuse King Sŏnjo’s repeated summons any longer, T’oegye travelled to the capital in July 1567 to present his Six-provision Memorial to the Throne presented in the year of Mujin (戊辰六條疏,
The era in which T’oegye lived and the
T’oegye regarded that social problems such as rampant corruption amongst the aristocracy and the conservation-oriented mindset of the ruling class represented by the meritorious elites and royal in-laws were the result of the ‘unfair nature of literati learning (士習)’. He suggested that the only way to overcome these social problems was by ‘creating new types of human beings who possess a correct human mind (正人心) through self-cultivation’.
However, as the
In terms of the background to T’oegye’s frame of mind during the period in which he was producing the
The significance of the disputes over the
Amidst this trend in the development of Confucianism in Chosŏn, the status of the
T’oegye’s
The Contents and Structure of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning
The
Table 1. : Structure of the
Based on the ideological characteristics addressed therein, T’oegye divided the
This is evidenced by a detailed analysis of the ten diagrams. T’oegye perceived the formation of the universe by the great absolute (太極) as the ‘Heavenly Way (天道)’. To this end, Chapter 1, Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate (太極圖) can be regarded as an introduction to the Heavenly Way (天道). Chapter 2, Diagram of the Western Inscription (西銘圖), deals with virtuous deeds (德業) such as respect for one’s elders, having mercy on the lonely and weak, and, based on the perception of the fundamental unity of the universe (物我一體 觀), helping the unfortunate by regarding them as one’s brothers. Chapter 4, Diagram of the Great Learning (大學圖), is related to the achievement of virtuous deeds (德業) as part of efforts to manifest virtue and to produce new people. Meanwhile, the discussion of the Five Cardinal Relationships (五倫,
Based on this overview of these ten diagrams, we can surmise that the
The characteristics of these notions mean that the
11 The six provisions that make up the Six-provision Memorial to the Throne presented in the year of Mujin (戊辰六條疏,
12 The
13 T’oegye had the following to say with regards to Provision 4 of the Six-provision Memorial to the Throne in the year of Mujin (戊辰六條疏,
14 Yi Suhwan,
15
16
17
18
19 The contents of these disputes will be omitted in this study. For the detailed contents, please refer to Lee Dongkun, Study of the perceptions of
20 While T’oegye created the Diagram of the Elementary Learning (小學圖)—Chapter Three, Diagram of the Rules of the White Deer Hollow Academy (白鹿洞規圖) —Chapter Five, two illustrations in the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions(心統性情圖)—Chapter Six, and Diagram of the Admonition on “Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖)—Chapter Ten, the others were created by other scholars. The explanations found in these diagrams were based on others’ writings.
21 Ch’oe Chaemok, Basic Reading of the
22
23 Ibid, 「第五白鹿洞規圖」. “以上五圖, 原於心性, 而要在勉日用崇敬畏.”
24 Korean Association for Studies of Philosophical Thought,
25
26 Lee Dongkun,
27 Zhu Xi included the following explanation in Chapter 4, Diagram of the Great Learning (大學圖) of the
3. THE DISSEMINATION, DEEPENING AND DIFFUSION OF THE TEN DIAGRAMS ON SAGE LEARNING DURING THE CHOSŎN ERA
The Dissemination, Deepening and Diffusion of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning During the 16th and 17th Centuries
The following section involves a chronological summary of the characteristics of the contents of works related to the
First, let us summarize the characteristics of the dissemination of the
One can find ten cases of annotations of the
Table 2. : Annotations related to the
Let us summarize the works of the above-mentioned scholars pertaining to the
No Susin (1515–1590)’s
While Yi Tŏkhong (1541–1596)’s
Cho Hoik (1545–1611)’s
As such, there were very few annotations of the
In terms of 17th century works, Yun Wŏnji (1598–1674)’s
Yun Hyu (1617–1680)’s
Chŏng Sihan (1625–1707)’s
Pak Sech’ae (1632–1695)’s
O Toil (1645–1703)’s
Based on a comparison of T’oegye’s
Kang Sŏkkyŏng (1666–1731)’s
As such, although there were more instances of annotations of the
The Dissemination, Deepening and Diffusion of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning During the 18th Century
The 18th century saw the
Table 3. : Annotations related to the
Yi Ik (1681–1762)’s
Yi Sangjŏng (1710–1781)’s
An Chŏngbok (1712–17910 wrote three works which either sought to summarize or apply the tenets of the
Hwang Yunsŏk’s
As such, although there were not many annotations of the
The dissemination, deepening and diffusion of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning during the 19th century
Although the
Table 4. Annotations related to the
Let us take a closer look at the above-mentioned scholars and their writings pertaining to the
Yi Tonggan (1757–1822)’s
Yi Hwiryŏng (1788–1861)’s
Hŏ Chŏn (1797–1886)’s
Yi Yomuk (1809–1852)’s
Chang Pokch’u (1815–1900)’s
Approaching matters from the standpoint of the mind is the principle (心卽理,
Nam Manhoe (1816–1886)’s
Song Inho (?–1889)’s
Kwŏn Chuhwan (1825–1893)’s
Kim Hŭngnak (1827–1899)’s
Yu Chunggyo (1832–1893)’s
Kwŏn Sangik (1863–1935)’s
As such, a greater number of annotations of the
The Dissemination, Deepening and Diffusion of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning During the 20th Century
There are no examples of the
Table 5. : Annotations related to the
Kim Pyŏngjong (1871–1931)’s
Yi Yŏngjae (?–?)’s
Kim Chongho (1874–?)’s
For its part, Ch’oe Pyŏngsim (1874–1975)’s
Song Chunp’il (1869–1943)’s
Chŏng Taesu (1882–1959)’s
Kim Hwang (1896–1978)’s
As such, while the annotations of the
28 The following are the kings and Confucian scholars involved in the dissemination and compiling of annotations of the
29 As there were in fact few annotations of the
30 The annotations of the
31 No Susin’s
32 During the process of producing his
33 The terms the ‘other three diagrams’ refers to the “
34 The “
35 The theory of the five beginnings (五端說) is a method used to explain human nature. Cheng Fuxin’s diagram was placed in the upper part of Chapter 6, Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖). Within the diagram, Cheng Fuxin added the virtue of trust (信) to benevolence (仁), righteousness (義), propriety (禮), and wisdom (智). Cheng created the five beginnings (端), making trust (信) equivalent to the sense of sincerity (誠實之心), just like benevolence (仁)—sense of sympathy and compassion (惻隱之心), righteousness (義)—sense of shame and disgust (羞惡之心), propriety (禮)—sense of respect and courtesy (讓辭之心), and wisdom (智)–sense of right and wrong (是非之心). The mere compilation of this particular work is an indication that this theory of five beginnings (五端說) emerged an issue during the discussions of the
36 Yu said, “In addition, when I took a closer look, I realized that there are many errors in Yulgok’s later theory of the
37
38 Chŏng Sihan criticized Yulgok’s theory from the standpoint of T’oegye (
39 In his
40 In his epilogue,
41
42
43
44 The contents of Yi Ik’s
45 Yi Ik subdivided the original contents of the
46 Yi Sangjŏng’s
47 The
48 An Chŏngbok’s
49 For more on the studies on Hwang Yunsŏk’s
50 The
51 The
52 The
53 The
54 Collection of Kogye Yi Hwiryŏng’s Works (古溪集), Vol. 8, 「附錄ㆍ墓碣銘」. “又曰吾先生祖四七理氣說, 所以承朱子之說, …遂輯古聖賢要訓, 編爲十圖集說.”
55 In his work,
56 The twelve diagrams are the following: 1. Iphak tosŏl (入學圖說) 2. Ipp’um tosŏl (入品圖說) 3. Samdal tosŏl (三達圖說) 4. Kyŏngŭi hyŏpchi tosŏl (敬義夾持圖說) 5. Sindong tosŏl (愼動圖說) 6. Sŏngsin kidosŏl (誠神幾圖說) 7. Ligi sŏnhu tosŏl (理氣先後圖說) 8. Kijil sŏngch’ŏn chisŏng hap tosŏl (氣質性天地性合圖說) 9. Kyesŏn sŏngsŏng tosŏl (繼善成性圖說) 10. Int’aegŭk tosŏl (人太極圖說) 11. Sŏnggyŏng tosŏl (誠敬圖說) 12. Chunghwa tosŏl (中和圖說).
57 The
58 Keum Jangtae, ibid, p. 317.
59
60 The
61 Yu Chunggyo divided each of the seven sections of T’oegye’s Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖) into two parts (all together thirteen parts) and commentated on each part.
62 The
63 The
64 The
65 The
66 The
67
68
69 Song Chunp’il’s
70 The
71 Chŏng Taesu was Kanjae Chŏn Wu’s disciple. As he was a disciple of Chŏn Wu, who had inherited the legitimacy of the Kiho School of Confucianism in Chosŏn, Chŏng’s
72 The
CONCLUSION
Desiring to analyze the trends in the perceptions of the
First, very few annotations of the
Although a limited number of annotations of the
The 19th century saw a marked increase in the number of annotations of the
The annotations of the
The above-mentioned analysis of the trends in terms of the dissemination of the
First, the
Second, the trends associated with the dissemination and annotations of the
Third, T’oegye’s thought served as the ideological basis for the Silhak (Practical Learning) School of Thought. This is evidenced by the fact that the prominent Silhak scholar Yi Ik annotated the
참고문헌(39)
-
[단행본]
2002
Private Academies of Korea and their Academic Roots (Han’guk ŭi sŏwŏn kwa hangmaek yŏn’gu).
Kookhak Community Corp.
-
[단행본]
1995
Comparative Study of T’oegye and Yulgok (T’oegye Yulgok ch’ŏlhak ŭi pigyo yŏn΄gu).
Sungkyunkwan University Press
-
[단행본]
2004
Easy Reading of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Swipke ingnŭn T’oegye ŭi Sŏnghak sipto).
Yemun seowon
-
[단행본]
2000
Korean Confucianism as Viewed through Diagrams (Tosŏl ro ponŭn Han’guk yuhak).
Yemun seowon
-
[단행본]
1994
T’oegye’s Psychology: a personality and socio-psychological approach (T’oegye simnihak: sŏnggyŏk mit sahoe simnihak chŏk chŏpkŭn).
Sungkyunkwan University Press
-
[단행본]
2007
Hŏ Yu’s Learning and Thought (Husan hŏ yuŭi hangmun’gwa sasang).
Suli
-
[단행본]
1964
Appendix to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Sŏnghak sipto purok).
Husan sŏdang
-
[단행본]
1988
To Become A Sage.
Columbia University Press
-
[단행본]
1986
T’oegye Yi Hwang and the Philosophy of Reverence (敬) (Yi T’oegye wa kyŏng ŭi ch’ŏlhak).
Shingu Munhwasa
-
[단행본]
2002
Study of T’oegyehak (T’oegyehak yŏn’gu), Vol. 22. Translated, Sŏnghak sipto purok (聖學十圖附錄).
Kyŏngsang pukto
-
[단행본]
2005
Collection of Materials for Korean Musicology (韓國音樂學資料叢書), Vol. 40.
National Gugak Center
-
[단행본]
2001
Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and the Structure of T’oegye Philosophy (Sŏnghak sipto wa T’oegye ch’ŏlhak ŭi kujo).
Seoul National University Press
-
[단행본]
1997
Confucian Philosophy of Early Chosŏn (Chosŏn chŏn’giŭi yuhak sasang).
Seoul National University Press
-
[단행본]
1982
Translation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Sŏnghak sipto yŏkhae).
The T’oegye Studies Institute
-
[단행본]
2001
The Private Academies of Late Chosŏn (Chosŏn hugi sŏwŏn yŏn’gu).
Ilchogak
-
[단행본]
1982
Sage Learning and Reverence (敬)(Sŏnghakkwa kyŏng).
Yangyeonggak
-
[단행본]
Explanation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Sŏnghak sipto yŏkhae).
Han’guk sŏwŏn
-
[참고문헌]
2000
“The life and academic achievements of Kwŏn Sunmyŏng (Yangjae Kwŏn Sunmyŏng ŭi saengae wa hangmun)”.
Kanjaehak nonch’ong 3
-
[참고문헌]
1997
“T’oegye’s concept of sage learning and political thought as viewed through the Six-provision Memorial to the Throne in the year of Mujin (戊辰六條疏, Mujin yukchoso) (Mujin yukchoso e nat’anan T’oegye ŭi sŏnghak inyŏm kwa chŏngch’ijŏk sayu)”.
Journal of T’oegye Studies (T’oegye hakpo )94(1)
-
[참고문헌]
2007
“T’oegye’s reverence-based study of the mind and Yang Ming’s conscience-based study of the mind (T’oegye ŭi ‘kyŏng ŭi simhak kwa Yang Myŏng ŭi yangji simhak)”.
T’oegye School and Korean Culture (T’oegyehak kwa Han’guk munhwa )1(41)
-
[참고문헌]
1996
“The direction of the empirical studies on T’oegye’s study of the mind (T’oegye simhak ŭi silchŭngjŏk yŏn’gu panghyang mosaek)”.
Journal of T’oegye Study (T’oegye hakpo )89(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1980
“Study of T’oegye’s notion of reverence (敬) (T’oegye ŭi kyŏng e kwanhan yŏn’gu)”.
Journal of T’oegye Studies (T’oegye hakpo )28(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1987
“The structure of the philosophy behind the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Sŏnghak siptoŭi sasang ch’egye)”.
Study of T’oegyehak (T’oegyehak yŏn’gu )1
-
[참고문헌]
1983
“The structural organization of T’oegye’s philosophy—with a special focus on the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (T’oegye ch’ŏlhak ŭi ch’egyejŏk kusŏng – Sŏnghak sipto rŭl kich’oro)”.
Journal of T’oegye Studies (T’oegye hakpo )40(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1985
“The annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and the development of the study of T’oegye during late Chosŏn (Sŏnghak sipto chusŏk kwa Chosŏn hugi t’oegyehak ŭi chŏn’gae)”.
Journal of T’oegye Studies (T’oegye hakpo )48(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1999
“The Diagram of Elementary Learning (小學圖) and T’oegye’s moral practice (Sohaktowa t’oegyeŭi todŏkchŏk silch’ŏn chŏngsin)”.
Journal of T’oegye Studies (T’oegye hakpo )104(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1999
“The development of the T’oegye School’s philosophy during late Chosŏn (Chosŏn hugi t’oegye hakp’a ch’ŏlhak sasang ŭi chŏn’gae)”.
Study of Nammyŏng Philosophy (Nammyŏnghak yŏn’gu )9
-
[참고문헌]
1980
“T’oegye’s Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (T’oegye ŭi Sŏnghak sipto)”.
Journal of T’oegye Studies (T’oegye hakpo )28(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1996
“T’oegye’s philosophy of the Study of the Mind as viewed from the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Sŏnghak sipto e nat’anan T’oegye ŭi simhak segye)”.
Ch’ŏlhak nonch’ong 12
-
[참고문헌]
2009
“Sage learning and self-innovation as viewed through T’oegye’s Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (T’oegye Sŏnghak sipto ŭi sŏnghak kwa chagi hyŏksin ŭi pangbŏp)”.
Journal of Northeast Asian Cultural Studies (Tongbuka munhwa yŏn’gu )20
-
[참고문헌]
2009
“Preliminary analysis of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning of Chosŏn based on the dissemination and annotation thereof – with a special focus on trends in the 19th century (Yup’o wa chusŏk ŭl t’onghae pon Chosŏn sidae Sŏnghak sipto ihae e kwanhan yebijŏk koch’al—19 segi ŭi yangsang ŭl chungsim ŭro)”.
Yangminghak 24
-
[학위논문]
Study of the perceptions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖) during Chosŏn Era: with a special focus on the trends in terms of the distribution, deepening and diffusion of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Chosŏn sidae sŏnghak sipto ihae e taehan yŏn’gu: sŏnghak sipto yup’owa simhwa, hwaksanŭi yangsanŭl chungsimŭro).
2010
Yeungnam University / Ph.D. dissertation
-
[참고문헌]
1990
“Study of T’oegye’s Later theory of the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate (太極圖說後敍 ) (T’oegyeŭi Ch’ŏnmyŏng tosŏl husŏ e kwanhayŏ)”.
Journal of T’oegye Studies (T’oegye hakpo )68(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1980
“Yi T’oegye’s Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Yi T’oegye ŭi Sŏnghak sipto)”.
Journal of T’oegye Studies (T’oegye hakpo )28(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1987
“Chin Tŏksu’s Heart Sutra (心經) and Yi Hwang’s Study of the Mind (心學) (Sŏsan chintŏksu ŭi simgyŏng kwa T’oegye Yi Hwang ŭi simhak)”.
Journal of T’oegye Studies (T’oegye hakpo )53(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1987
“Yi Hwang’s Simgyŏng puju and the characteristics of Yi’s Study of the Mind (T’oegye yi hwangŭi Simgyŏng puju yŏn’gu wa kŭŭi simhak ŭi t’ŭksŏng)”.
Minjok munhwa nonch’ong 8(1)
-
[참고문헌]
2004
“The structure of the Heart Sutra (心經) and the study of cultivation theory (Simgyŏng ŭi kusŏnggwa suyangnon yŏn’gu)”.
Journal of East Asian Philosophy Studies (Tongyang ch’ŏhak yŏn’gu )37
-
[참고문헌]
2000
“T’oegye’s sage learning and Tasan’s silhak (T’oegye sŏnghak kwa Tasan silhak)”
Study of Confucius (Kongjahak )7(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1996
“The actualization of T’oegye’s Way of Politics and the roles of sage kings (T’oegye ŭi chŏngch’ido ŭi silhyŏn kwa sŏnggun ŭi yŏkhal)”.
Journal of T’oegye Studies (T’oegeyhak yŏn’gu )10
1 This study is a modified and summarized version of Lee Dongkun (Yi Tonggŏn),Study of the perceptions of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖) during the Chosŏn Era: with a special focus on the trends in terms of the dissemination, deepening and diffusion of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Chosŏn sidae sŏnghak sipto ihae e taehan yŏn’gu: Sŏnghak sipto yup’o wa simhwa, hwaksan ŭi yangsan ŭl chungsim ŭro ), Ph.D. dissertation, Yeungnam University, 2010.
2 ‘Produced’ refers to the actual manufacturing ofTen Diagrams on Sage Learning at the behest of the royal household. ‘Dissemination’ refers to both the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning amongst meritorious subjects at the behest of the royal household, and the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning amongst kings as part of their studies to become sage kings. The term sage learning (聖學, sŏnghak ) employed in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖, sŏnghak sipto ) has two meanings. While one refers to the study of sages (聖人), the other refers to the study of sage kings (聖王). Yi Sangŭn, “Translation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (T’oegye sŏnsaeng Sŏnghak sipto yŏkhae )”, T’oegye hakpo (退溪學報 ), Vol. 2 (Seoul: The T’oegye Studies Institute, 1974)
3 ‘Deepening and diffusion’ refers to the process through which the philosophical framework of theTen Diagrams on Sage Learning was deepened and diffused through various Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning -related compilations produced by ensuing generations of Confucian scholars.
4 ‘1950s’ is included as the cutoff point for this study because it was during this period that Chŏng Taesu (1882–1959) left behind literature related to theTen Diagrams on Sage Learning in the form of his work Questions related to Reverence raised in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (敬題聖學十圖後, Kyŏngje Sŏnghak sipto hu ) (1955). Chŏng is widely regarded as the last Confucian scholar during the period spanning from the end of the Taehan Empire to the modern era to write on this topic. The selection of the periods conducted herein was based on Kŭm Changt’ae, Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and the Structure of T’oegye Philosophy (Sŏnhak sipto wa t’oegye ch’ŏlhak ŭi kujo ) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2001) pp. 303–321.
5 The state of the translation and studies on theTen Diagrams on Sage Learning are saliently introduced in Kŭm Changt’ae, Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and the Structure of T’oegye Philosophy (Sŏnhak sipto wa t’oegye ch’ŏlhak ŭi kujo ) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2001) pp. 326–329.
6 King Sŏnjo ordered the meritorious subjects to make a clean copy of theTen Diagrams on Sage Learning and the Kyŏngyŏnsa (經筵事, Officials in Charge of Royal Lectures) to manufacture folding screens, which were to be edited by the scholars from the Hongmun’gwan (弘文館, Office of Special Advisors). He also produced the work in scrapbook form and disseminated it amongst officials (as evidenced in his Memorial for the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning [進聖學十圖箚, chin sŏnghak sipto ch’a ], this was also T’oegye’s intention). Folding screens, scrapbooks, and printed versions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were produced during the 2nd year of King Sŏnjo (1569), 2nd year of the Kwanghaegun (1610), 1st year of King Injo (1623), 6th year of King Sukchong (1665), 31st year of King Yŏngjo (1755), and 23rd year of King Chŏngjo (1799). The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was used as materials for royal lectures during the 7th year of King Sukchong (1666) and 22nd year of King Yŏngjo (1746). Moreover, when royal envoys Yi Hubaek, Sŏ Changgwan and Yu Sŏngnyong visited Ming between October 1569 and April 1570, they conveyed the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning to Wu Jing, a Ming official attached to the Yuhuaguan (玉華館) in Beijing.
7 Here, ‘annotation’ does not mean the interpretation of all the words and phrases found in theTen Diagrams on Sage Learning . It is a general name given to any written work related to the tenets of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning rendered using an annotative description style composed by ensuing generations of scholars. For example, this study included in the category of ‘annotations,’ 1) materials which explain and evaluate the value of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning ; and 2) materials that use the contents and structure of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning to explain the concept of sage learning.
8 Chŏng Hyŏngwu et al.,List of Korean Woodblock Printed Books (Han’guk ŭi ch’aekp’an mongnok ) (Seoul: Pogyung Munhwasa, 1995).
9 The first editions of the majority of theTen Diagrams on Sage Learning currently classified and preserved as ancient books are unknown, the noted exception to this trend being the wooden block book printed in Hamhŭng during the 5th year of King Sŏnjo (1572) (currently housed in the National Library of Korea). There are approximately thirty-four kinds of printed block versions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning mentioned in the List of Korean Woodblock Printed Books .
10 Keum Jang-tae, Ten Diagrams on Sage Learningand the Structure of T’oegye Philosophy (Sŏnghak sipto wa t’oegye ch’ŏlhak ŭi kujo ) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2001) pp. 303–325.