초록
The Catholic movement in Korea was birthed among Confucian scholars who sought to supplement Confucian philosophy with Catholic teaching. Hence, the earliest didactic writings of Korean Catholics were more syncretistic in content, integrating Catholic and Confucian themes. But as the movement became increasingly circumscribed by Church teachings and regulations, the focus in its didactic literature shifted to exclusively Catholic and other-worldly themes. Two main points of divergence from Korean tradition may be traced in these early texts: loyalty extended to a transcendent object and belief in the soul’s immortality. These transcendent motifs become more pronounced in the later texts. This divergence, in turn, signifies a shift to a subjectivity of the spiritual and intellectual self as separate from the world.
키워드
Catholic, Confucian, episteme, subjectivity, dualism
INTRODUCTION
This paper contributes to a larger conversation about epistemic changes appearing in late Chosŏn in the wake of what Martina Deuchler and Jahyun Kim Haboush describe as “the reconstitution of the world order in East Asia” that followed the Manchu conquest of Ming China. The post-Ming (Qing China) period was also characterized by increasing contact between East Asia and Europe, a factor that no doubt contributed to this reconstitution that, according to Deuchler and Haboush, compelled Koreans to “construct a new episteme of the world and the self.”
More specifically, a number of studies and scholarly conversations about the introduction of Catholicism to Korea during late Chosŏn imply that Catholicism’s entrance may be linked directly to an epistemological divergence from the mainstream Neo-Confucian discourse of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in Korea. Put simply, engagement with Catholicism on the part of Chosŏn individuals led to new ways of knowing and believing about the world and human existence. Kŭm Changt’ae, Kim Okhŭi and others have produced much scholarship on the history of Western Learning in Korea,
This article draws attention to the didactic writings of the earliest Korean Catholics as one particular iteration in the birth of a new episteme of the individual human subject. A common thread that runs through the findings of most of the above-mentioned studies is that Catholicism in Chosŏn produced individuals who exhibited a new agency through their divergence from traditional authority. Proceeding on the assumption that epistemes are embodied in discourse,
FROM SYNCRETISM TO ALIENATION IN THE FIRST GENERATION OF THE CATHOLIC MOVEMENT
The syncretic character of the earliest expressions of Catholicism in Korea was supported by the indigenous birth of the movement and the content of the first Catholic texts brought to Korea from China. Unlike the introduction of Christianity elsewhere in East Asia, missionaries were not directly involved in the first Korean conversions. Instead, a handful of Chosŏn scholars who happened to read Jesuit writings transmitted from China embraced the teachings contained in these texts.
This indigenous birth of Catholicism in Korea was possible in part because most of the Jesuit writings did not, on the surface, appear to contain anything alarmingly heretical or contradictory to Confucian ideology. This was intentional on the part of the Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci. He and his fellow missionaries carefully studied the language, thought and customs of China, conducted themselves as proper Confucian scholars, and presented Christianity as complimentary to Confucianism. Thus, the first texts produced by Ricci and his successors—written in Classical Chinese—were apologetic, and the Christian God was equated with
The event usually associated with the birth of Catholicism in Korea was a small study group of Confucian scholars who gathered in 1779 to read and discuss Catholic writings. These men were members of the marginalized
As Catholicism grew, however, and as the mission in China became more directly involved in the religious instruction of Korean Catholics through the transmission of edicts, literature, and, later, through the secret dispatch of a priest, it became clear that Catholicism, with its specific ritual requirements, could not exist peacefully under the Korean state’s strict control of ritual. For this and other reasons, the movement was banned and Catholics were persecuted. In the Great Persecution of 1801, about 100 Catholics were executed and about 200 were exiled. Through most of the nineteenth century the Catholic community remained cut off from mainstream Korean society until Korea’s diplomatic opening to the West in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century led to greater religious freedom.
INTEGRATED CATHOLIC AND CONFUCIAN THEMES IN THE EARLIEST DIDACTIC TEXTS
Catholic writings from the first generation of the movement in Korea are scattered in genre and small in quantity, but when examined as a continuum, they reveal a shift in emphasis that parallels the shift in the social and political position of Catholics in Korea at this time. As the following pages will show, the earliest didactic literature of the movement expresses an effort to integrate Confucian and Christian themes. But as the rift between the Catholic movement and the rest of society became greater, the emphasis in Catholic didactic literature on integrating Christianity and Confucianism was replaced by an emphasis on themes of spiritual redemption, religious observances, and the next life—themes that carried points of incompatibility with traditional Korean Confucian teaching. Furthermore, the move from integration to separation was not only external—moving from compatibility to incompatibility with Korean Confucian doctrine. It was also internal, in that the new paradigm, as articulated in the later works, promoted a stance of separation from the world.
The Chosŏn scholars who gathered in 1779 to study Catholicism were part of a tradition that carried with it the expectation of literary production, but since the writings of anyone branded a criminal were required by the state to be destroyed, very few writings by Catholics survived the earliest persecutions. However, a handful of documents attributed to various members of the first study group was preserved in
“Ch’ŏnju konggyŏng-ga,” composed in vernacular Korean and consisting of thirty-four four-syllable couplets, is attributed to Yi Pyŏk (1754–1785). It opens with lines promoting reverence for “the Lord of Heaven,” a name for the Catholic God. The writer presents such reverence as a logical extension of a good Confucian’s submission to earthly authority, and suggests that it is a response that runs parallel to the observance of Confucian morality:
O friends of the world, listen to what I have to say:
In the home there is an elder, and in a kingdom, the king.
In my body there is a soul, and in heaven, Ch’ŏnju [the Lord of Heaven].
Filial to parents and loyal to the king,
Let us observe the three and five relations; reverencing the Lord of Heaven is foremost.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Do not argue that there is no Lord of Heaven.
Have you seen a child without a father, shade without sun?
Not having seen the king’s face makes you no less a citizen.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Do not argue about revering the Lord of Heaven;
Believe, and, once you understand,
Your glory will be eternal.
Within a context of honoring Confucian ideals, the author introduces Ch’ŏnju, unseen but personal, supreme over even the king, and to whom primary loyalty is owed. Since the Confucian classics had little to say about the world of the spirit, this juxtaposition of earthly ethics with reverence to an unseen supreme becomes supplementary.
Do not believe in devils and ghosts, but believe in the Lord of Heaven.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Once you understand [his] cosmic providence,
You will receive the bright light of his grace for all eternity.
The wisdom of men is dull, [and they are but] puppets and wooden tablets.
Will reciting and crying bring you fortune? Does bowing make you filial?
When things go well it’s your own fortune; when things go ill, it’s another’s fault.
Thus, knowing and believing in the Lord of Heaven is presented as rational, and reflective of the wisdom of the cosmos, a higher wisdom that is apparently lacking in those contemporaries who are preoccupied with superstition and insincere ritual. In other words, a follower of the Lord of Heaven would be a good Confucian. Furthermore, the choice of the Ten Commandments as a point of introduction also ties in with the Confucian emphasis on wise and proper action, whereas reference to the New Testament themes of God’s incarnation and the redemption of humanity through Jesus would require more of a leap into spiritual territory foreign to this-worldly Confucian scholars.
Apart from the pieces collected in
The union of man and woman is like heaven and earth. The Lord of Heaven made heaven and earth, after which all created things came about. After there was man and woman, the five cardinal principles came into being.
The first sentence draws from the Confucian model of the marriage relationship that compares the couple with heaven and earth. Traditionally, the man was equated with heaven and the woman with earth, and the hierarchy implied by this image was emphasized in the expectation that the wife would be subservient to her husband and regard him as her “heaven.” However, in the passage above, there is no further elaboration on the meaning of this comparison, and the next sentence immediately introduces the Catholic God (“Lord of Heaven”) as creating heaven and earth.
This description of Creation draws from both Korean tradition and Catholic teaching. The depiction of heaven and earth being directly created while everything else comes into being afterward, with no further mention of direct creation, corresponds to Chinese and Korean creation myths in which the world begins with the creation or the opening of heaven and earth and everything else comes about indirectly. However, in Confucian tradition, the creation of the world was not attributed to a personal being or to the Sovereign on High, and the personal creators featured in pre-Confucian creation myths, such as Pangu, were not the eternal, omniscient, omnipresent, and omnipotent God of Catholic teaching. Again, Confucian and Catholic ideas are juxtaposed.
In the sentence immediately following, the suggestion that the five cardinal principles of Confucianism are derivative of the marriage relationship is not new per se; this derivation is found in a very similar passage in Xu Gua from the
The remainder of the text, which consists of sayings attributed to Ryuhandang, is a series of instructions for women, ranging in topic from “Carrying Oneself ” to “Instructing One’s Daughter-in-Law.” The Confucian moral code of restraint and humility in manner and servitude toward husband and in-laws is strictly upheld, but the Lord of Heaven is introduced as the proper object of reverence, and as an authority on matters of proper living. In the section on Speaking, Ryuhandang instructs:
The Lord of Heaven says do not speak at length. He tells us that much talk brings much destruction. This is meant for all—male, female, old or young—to remember so that they may be free of contention and failure, and may be benefited by this counsel all their lives. Do not pass on ugly words, but pass on only good. On a dark night, refrain from speaking of ghosts and thieves and killing, avoid reproaching the rain and wind, do not resent the sun, moon and stars, keep your clothing and headdress neat, and reverence the Lord of Heaven.
Two other passages likewise present the Christian God as the originator of advice that might formerly have been attributed to ancient sages:
The Lord of heaven has said that the [careful] plans and thoughts of a household come about from peace and geniality … The Lord of Heaven also says that to plan carefully for ten years, one should plant trees, and to plan carefully for the year, one should plant crops.
Neutral references to ancestral rites and visits to ancestral shrines
9 Yi Ihwa. “Yi Sŭnghun kwan’gye munhŏn ŭi kŏmt’o:
10 Yi Pyŏk, “Ch’ŏnju konggyŏng-ga,”
11 Yi Pyŏk,
12 Ha Sŏngnae, introduction to
13 Yi Pyŏk,
14 Ibid.
15 Ibid., 51.
16 Ibid., 139.
17 Ibid., 141.
18 Kim Insŏp,
19 Chŏng, Yakjŏn et al.
20 In this sentence, I have revised the translation I give in the published version by changing “After the creation of man and woman” to “After there was man and woman” to more closely reflect the wording of the original.
21 Kwŏn Ryuhandang, “A Record of the Words of Ryu-Han-Dang,” trans. Deberniere Torrey, in
22 “Heaven and earth existing, all (material) things then got their existence. All (material) things having existence, afterwards there came male and female. From the existence of male and female there came afterwards husband and wife. From husband and wife there came father and son. From father and son there came ruler and minister. From ruler and minister there came high and low. When (the distinction of) high and low had existence, afterwards came the arrangements of propriety and righteousness.” Xu Gua v.30 in
23 Kwŏn Ryuhandang, “A Record of the Words of Ryu-Han-Dang,” trans. Deberniere Torrey, in
24 Ibid., 39.
25 Ibid., 37, 41–42.
26 Ibid., 42.
EXCLUSIVELY CATHOLIC AND OTHER-WORDLY THEMES IN LATER DIDACTIC TEXTS
Despite the efforts of these early Korean Catholics to present Catholicism as compatible with Confucianism, their observance of Catholic ritual required them to go against the state’s strict ritual requirements. In 1791, when Paul Yun Chich’ung burned his mother’s ancestral tablets in obedience to Rome’s injunction against ancestor rituals, he was tried and executed, and the Catholic movement split between those who wished to remain Confucian, and those who chose to side wholly with the Catholic Church. By the turn of the nineteenth century, the study of Catholicism had been banned by the state for several years, and the Catholic movement became alienated from mainstream Korean society. At this point, literature circulating among Korean Catholics consisted of expositions of biblical themes and church teaching, with little attention given to Confucian motifs.
One of the most influential expository and didactic writings of the early Catholic movement was
Several decades later, in 1839, Chŏng Hasang (1795–1839), the son of Chŏng Yakchong, wrote an appeal to the court to stop the persecution of Christians. In his appeal, Chŏng Hasang defends Catholicism and references Confucian sages and other Confucian motifs. However, this reference is less a demonstration of integration than part of an effort to argue for the legitimacy of Catholic teaching:
[In ancient times] if the teachings were true, the sages fully embraced them, even if they were the words of a woodcutter. This means that they did not disregard someone’s words simply based on external appearance. For what reason, then, does our country prohibit the holy religion of the Lord of Heaven?
Furthermore, he makes it very clear that, with all due respect to elders and to the king, Christians are bound to give their first loyalty to the Lord of Heaven—“Obeying the king’s command, however, yet disobeying the command of the Great King of heaven and earth is an incomparably greater sin”
Through much of the nineteenth century, while the Korean Church remained active in hiding, the
From the number of versions in existence, it appears that the most widely read of these were “Samse tae ŭi” (The great meaning of three ages), by Min Kŭkka, and
O friends, let us find our joyful land.
East-West-South-North, where is this joyful land? . . .
This storm-swept earth is no place of peace . . .
Is this not a vale of tears and a place of brief sojourn?
Perchance our joyful land is no other than heaven itself.
Much of the poem also depicts the battle against evil that a believer must win in order to achieve heaven. The last lines of the poem admonish the believer to
Lament not the persecutions of the world, heed not worldly esteem.
Acquire not the fortune of the world, covet not worldly joys.
Soundly strike the three evils [the world, the flesh, and the devil] and firmly obstruct the seven ways [the seven deadly sins].
Let us find the proper road to Heaven that we may see our Great Parent.
The Great Parent is, of course, God, with whom the suffering believer may finally find his or her true home. “Samse tae ŭi,” while encouraging the practice of church teaching, also emphasizes an eschatological faith. The topic of final reward and judgment leads into a long discussion of heaven and hell that fills the last third of the poem.
27 Hwang Sayŏng,
28 See Cho Hangŏn, “
29 Chŏng Yakchong,
30 Ibid., 39–70.
31 Chŏng Hasang, “Sang-Chesang-sŏ,” trans. Won-Jae Hur in
32 Ibid., 144.
33 Ibid., 147.
34
35 Ibid., 58.
36 Ibid. 82–89.
ALLEGIANCE AND INDIVIDUAL IDENTITY SHIFTED TO THE TRANSCENDENT REALM
In the early Catholic texts reviewed above, beginning with the first pieces that attempt to integrate Christianity and Confucianism, there are two critical points of divergence from the Neo-Confucian paradigm: primary allegiance shifts from parents, elders, and king to a transcendent God; and the human soul is seen as distinct and immortal. As indicated earlier, reverence and loyalty toward the Lord of Heaven is introduced in these pieces, the new idea being brought into the Confucian context by referring to God as the “Great Parent” or the “Great King.” Two central Confucian values—filial piety and loyalty to the sovereign—are not undermined per se, and filial piety is now noted as something commanded by God (“Honor your father and your mother, so that your days may be long in the land that the Lord your God is giving you”) (Exod. 20.12). However, these values are extended to heaven, their reference point thus shifting from the biological and the earthly to the transcendent.
The Catholic idea of the soul is also introduced in the earliest works, and referred to repeatedly in subsequent writings. In
After a person dies, the body rots, but the soul does not die … A person’s soul does not originate in the body; [rather] when the body is formed, God attaches to it a divine soul … Human beings are different from animals and have a separate soul. Therefore, even when they die, the soul does not die.
In
It has no form or image, possesses divine power,
Sees the distant and high heaven in a moment,
Visits the great and wide ocean in an instant,
Travels unobstructed through stone mountains.
Furthermore, the wonder of the soul is presented as indicative of God’s divinity: “If the soul of each person is so marvelous, / How much more marvelous would be the all-powerful Lord of Heaven?”
In
Also, we know that the soul does not perish, and that, in general, there are three kinds of souls: First is the vegetative soul; second is the sensitive soul; and third is the spiritual soul. The vegetative soul is the soul of grass and trees, which live and grow, but do not sense. The sensitive soul is the soul of beasts, which can sense, but do not know reason, or right from wrong. The spiritual soul is the soul of humans. It not only can live, grow, and sense, but it is also able to discern, understand right and wrong, and seek and discuss truth. Thus, among all creatures, humans are the most noble because of their spiritual soul. This is the nature said to be commanded by heaven and granted to the person while still in the womb. Therefore, how can humans be the same as plants and beasts, which decay?”
Again, not only is the immortality of the soul affirmed, but the soul is described in specific terms as distinct from the rest of creation by merit of its spiritual nature, which can reason, discern, and seek truth.
37 Chŏng, Yakjŏn et al.
38 Chŏng Yakjong,
39
40 Ibid.
41 Chŏng Hasang, “Sang-Chesang-sŏ.” Trans. Yun Mingu. Sŏul: Sŏng Hwang Sŏkdu Nuga Sŏwŏn, 1999. 25–6.
SUBJECTIVE SEPARATION FROM THE WORLD
In contrast to the Neo-Confucian paradigm, according to which humans were part of a closed cosmic system articulated by moral and social boundaries based on biological and material phenomena, Catholicism introduced the idea of individual human identification with a realm that transcended the material world. In his discussion of Yun Chich’ung’s interrogation records mentioned earlier, Baker points out that Yun was arguing on the assumption that intellectual belief, not praxis, should be the basis of orthodoxy.
Thus, for the Catholics, the reference point for establishing one’s identity shifted from the material to the intellectual. In a very real, social sense, this reorientation of identity was reflected in the new parameters of interpersonal association that developed within the Catholic community. The disruption of traditional familial and regional associations became one point of the government’s criticism toward the Catholic movement: “Even if it is one’s own father, son or brother, if he does not join the Catholic Church, one regards him as the enemy, whereas people from just anywhere, once they join the church, are regarded as flesh and blood.”
In a sense, the Catholic believer’s new loyalties were an extension of the Confucian ideal of filial piety—after all, the Lord of Heaven was the Great Parent, and, most likely, such fierce allegiance in the face of torture and death was possible in part because the ideals of filial piety and loyalty had been ingrained in the Korean Catholics from an early age. Nonetheless, the shift was radical: to the Korean Catholic, the Great Parent belonged to the intellectual, rather than to the material world. Furthermore, that one’s personal relatedness to this transcendent Parent hinged not on predetermined biological or social relationships, but was dependent on one’s own choice to believe, implied that the individual was intellectually autonomous and no longer confined to a closed system.
This shift might also be identified as a turn to a dualistic subjectivity of separation between the human intellect and the rest of the world. In the case of the Catholic texts examined here, this duality is balanced in favor of the transcendent side, with which the soul—as opposed to the body—is allied, as articulated in a line from Chŏng Yakchong’s
42 Donald L. Baker, “A Different Thread: Orthodoxy, Heterodoxy, and Catholicism in a Confucian World” in
43 See William Cantwell Smith,
44 Yi Kigyŏng,
45 See also Cho Kwang.
46 Chŏng Yakchong,
47
CONCLUSION
The writings from the first decades of the Catholic movement in Korea reveal an integration of Catholic and Confucian themes. But as Korean Catholicism became more clearly bounded by Church regulations and banned by the Chosŏn state for not submitting to its rules on religious ritual, the alienation of Catholics from Chosŏn society was paralleled in Catholic literature by a growing emphasis on specifically Catholic, other-worldly themes, with little, if any, reference to Confucian motifs. In turn, these themes of the individual Catholic’s spiritual separateness from the world, themes that became more distinctly articulated in Catholic literature after the turn of the nineteenth century, further reinforced the Catholic movement’s position of disengagement.
This article has addressed a topic that links to a separate discussion of factors that contributed to the manifestations of this subjectivity shift: the change in the Catholic movement’s political and social position. Further research in this vein would merit an exploration of additional contributing factors. One contributing factor would have been the increase in import of catechisms and other religiously instructional texts. Given that the first Catholic texts imported from the mission in China were apologetic in content with little, if any, discussion of Church rituals and regulations, individual piety, and the reward of heaven or hell, a syncretistic interpretation of Catholicism was the more natural outcome of the study of these earlier sources of Catholic teaching. However, the subsequent increase in specifically religious instruction, both through the import of literature and through the arrival of a priest, would certainly have molded the movement into a more exclusively Catholic form, which, naturally, would be reflected in its literature. Another factor that would have contributed to the evolution away from Confucian themes was the Catholic movement’s growth among the lower classes. By the late 1790s, since scholars no longer made up the main population of the Church, the need to appeal to philosophical inquiry diminished. Furthermore, given that the lower classes had little power to affect change in society at large and no expectation of their sufferings to diminish within the traditional system, it is possible that their main hope would have been to achieve spiritual empowerment and eternal life after death.
참고문헌(29)
-
[단행본]
1999
“A Different Thread: Orthodoxy, Heterodoxy, and Catholicism in a Confucian World.” Culture and State in Late Chosŏn Korea. Ed. JaHyun Kim Haboush and Martina Deuchler.
199
Harvard University Asia Center
-
[단행본]
1997
“From Pottery to Politics: The Transformation of Korean Catholicism.” Religion and Society in Contemporary Korea. Ed. Lewis R. Lancaster and Richard K. Payne.
127
University of California Institute of East Asian Studies
-
[단행본]
2006
“Chugyo yoji wa Hanyŏk Sŏhaksŏ wa ŭi kwan’gye” (The relationship between Chugyo yoji and Korean-translated Western Learning texts). Kyohoesa yŏn’gu (Church History Research). Vol. 26.
5
Han’guk Kyohoesa Yŏn’guso (Research Foundation of Korean Church History)
-
[단행본]
1988
Chosŏn hugi Ch’ŏnjugyosa yŏn’gu (A study of late Chosŏn Catholic history).
Koryŏ University Minjok Munhwa Yŏn’guso
-
[단행본]
2005
Sahyang-ga. Kyoju Ch’ŏnju kasa (Annotated Catholic kasa).
27
Han’guk Kyohoesa Yŏn’guso (Research Foundation of Korean Church History)
-
[참고문헌]
(2005)
“Sang-Chesang-sŏ.” Trans. Won-Jae Hur
KIATS Theological Journal 1(2) : 137 - 47
-
[단행본]
1999
“Sang-Chesang-sŏ.” Trans. Yun Mingu.
Sŏktu Nuga Sŏwŏn
-
[단행본]
1981
Chugyo yoji. Sun’gyoja wa chŭngŏja tŭl (Martyrs and witnesses). Ed. Han’guk Kyohoesa Yŏn’guso.
10
Han’guk Kyohoesa Yŏn’guso (Research Foundation of Korean Church History)
-
[단행본]
2005
Sip Kyemyŏng-ga. Kyoju Ch’ŏnju kasa (Annotated Catholic kasa). Ed. Kim Yŏngsu.
18
Han’guk Kyohoesa Yŏn’guso (Research Foundation of Korean Church History)
-
[단행본]
2004
“Tasan kwa Sŏhak e taehan yŏrŏgaji kwanjŏm tŭl” (Various perspectives on Tasan and Western Learning). Tasan sasang sok ŭi Sŏhakchŏk chip’yŏng.
1
Sŏgang University Humanities Research Institute
-
[단행본]
1999
Sinang ŭi yŏksa rŭl ch’ajasŏ (In search of the history of faith).
Pauline
-
[단행본]
1971
“Christianity as a Heterodoxy: An Aspect of General Cultural Orientation in Traditional Korea.” Korea’s Response to the West. Ed. Yung-Hwan Jo.
57
Korea Research and Publications
-
[단행본]
1972
The Archeology of Knowledge. Trans. A. M. Sheridan Smith.
Pantheon Books
-
[단행본]
1997
Introduction to Sŏnggyo yoji. Trans. Ha Sŏngnae.
Sŏng Hwang Sŏktu Nuga Sŏwŏn
-
[단행본]
1999
Culture and State in Late Chosŏn Korea.
Harvard University Asia Center
-
[참고문헌]
2009
Hwang Sayŏng Paeksŏ wa ibon (Hwang Sayŏng’s Silk Letter and its other versions). Ed. Yŏ Chinch’ŏn.
: 39 - 68
-
[참고문헌]
(1981)
“Chŏng Tasan’s Philosophy of Man: A Radical Critique of the Neo-Confucian World View.”
The Journal of Korean Studies 3 : 3 - 38
10.1353/jks.1981.0004
-
[단행본]
2002
Han’guk munhak kwa Ch’ŏnjugyo (Korean literature and Catholicism).
Bogosa
-
[단행본]
1998
Han’guk Sŏhak sasangsa yŏn’gu (A study of the history of Western Learning in Korea).
Kukhak Charyowŏn
-
[단행본]
2005
Tongsŏ kyosŏp kwa kŭndae Han’guk sasang (East-West relations and modern Korean thought).
Han’guk Haksul Chŏngbo
-
[참고문헌]
2002
Chŏng Yagyong: Han’guk Sirhak ŭi chiptaesŏng (Chŏng Yagyong: Synthesis of Korean Sirhak).
-
[단행본]
2007
“A Record of the Words of Ryu-Han-Dang.” Trans. Deberniere Torrey. A Dream of Yi Byeok, the Words of Ryu Han-Dang Gweonssi, Meditation on Life after Death. Translation Ser. of Korean Christian Classics. Ed. Jae-hyun Kim.
30
Soongsil University Museum
-
[단행본]
2005
Samse tae ŭi (The great meaning of three ages). Kyoju Ch’ŏnju kasa (Annotated Catholic kasa). Ed. Yeongsu Kim.
61
Han’guk Kyohoesa Yŏn’guso (Research Foundation of Korean Church History)
-
[단행본]
1977
Belief and History.
University of Virginia
-
[단행본]
1978
Pyŏgwip’yŏn.
Han’guk Kyohoesa Yŏn’guso (Research Foundation of Korean Church History)
-
[단행본]
2005
“Ch’ŏnju konggyŏng-ga.” Kyoju Ch’ŏnju kasa (Annotated Catholic kasa). Ed. Kim Yŏngsu.
14
Han’guk Kyohoesa Yŏn’guso (Research Foundation of Korean Church History)
-
[단행본]
1997
Sŏngyo yoji. Trans. Ha Sŏngnae.
Sŏng Hwang Sŏktu Nuga Sŏwŏn
-
[단행본]
1992
“Yi Sŭnghun kwan’gye munhŏn ŭi kŏmt’o: Manch’ŏn yugo rŭl chungsim ŭro” (An examination of literature linked to Yi Sŭnghun: focusing on Manch’ŏn yugo). Kyohoesa yŏn’gu (Church History Research). Vol. 8.
105
Han’guk Kyohoesa Yŏn’guso (Research Foundation of Korean Church History)
- [인터넷자료]http://ctext.org/book-of-changes/xu-gua
1 Martina Deuchler and Jahyun Kim Haboush, in Introduction toCulture and State in Late Chosŏn Korea (Cambridge: Harvard U Asia Center, 1999), 4, 5.
2 See Kim Okhŭi,Han’guk Sŏhak sasangsa yŏn’gu (A study of the history of Western Learning in Korea) (Sŏul: Kukhak Charyowŏn, 1998); Kŭm Changt’ae, Tongsŏ kyosŏp kwa kŭndae Han’guk sasang (East-West relations and modern Korean thought). (P’aju: Han’guk Haksul Chŏngbo, 2005); Kŭm Changt’ae, Chŏng Yagyong: Han’guk Sirhak ŭi chiptaesŏng (Chŏng Yagyong: Synthesis of Korean Sirhak) (Sŏul: Sŏngkyunkwan UP, 2002); Chŏng Tuhŭi, “Tasan kwa Sŏhak e taehan yŏrŏgaji kwanjŏm tŭl” (Various perspectives on Tasan and Western Learning), in Tasan sasang sok ŭi Sŏhakchŏk chip’yŏng (Sŏul: Sŏgang University Humanities Research Institute, 2004), 1–35.
3 Michael C Kalton. “Chŏng Tasan’s Philosophy of Man: A Radical Critique of the Neo-Confucian World View,” inThe Journal of Korean Studies 3 (1981), 18.
4 Chŏng Tuhŭi,Sinang ŭi yŏksa rŭl ch’ajasŏ (In search of the history of faith) (Sŏul: Pauline, 1999), 74–107.
5 Chung Chai Sik, “Christianity as a Heterodoxy: An Aspect of General Cultural Orientation in Traditional Korea,” inKorea’s Response to the West , Ed. Yung-Hwan Jo (Kalamazoo: Korea Research and Publications, 1971), 76.
6 Donald L. Baker, “A Different Thread: Orthodoxy, Heterodoxy, and Catholicism in a Confucian World” inCulture and State in Late Chosŏn Korea . Ed. JaHyun Kim Haboush and Martina Deuchler (Cambridge: Harvard U Asia Center, 1999), 199–230.
7 Donald L. Baker, “From Pottery to Politics: The Transformation of Korean Catholicism” inReligion and Society in Contemporary Korea . Ed. Lewis R. Lancaster and Richard K. Payne (Berkeley: U of California Institute of East Asian Studies, 1997), 127–68.
8 This assumption draws on the Foucauldian idea of an episteme as “the total set of relations that unite, at a given period, the discursive practices that give rise to epistemological figures, sciences, and possibly formalized systems.” Michel Foucault,The Archeology of Knowledge , Trans. A. M. Sheridan Smith (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972), 191.