초록
This study is intended to track the historical process of how the concept of ‘yŏnae’ (love) was formed, and how it evolved until the late colonial period. ‘Yŏnae,’ which was coined to refer to a modern form of love, first used in Sŏyu kyŏnmun [Observations on travels in the West], was published by Yu Kil-chun in 1895 with a value-neutral tone. However, the signifier ‘yŏnae’ won enthusiastic support later in the late 1910s as a channel for expressing the subjectivity of modern ego, by bringing ‘emotion’ and ‘intellect’ into its semantic field as requirements for marriage and turning the spotlight upon inner emotional issues, within the context of free marriage. In the first half of the 1920s, the signifier ‘yŏnae’ began to be aestheticized as a divine virtue with an image of lofty civilization, so that the word ‘chayu yŏnae’ (free love) was even highly appraised, transcending its negative nuance of free sex and bringing about a vogue of the ambiguous word ‘sinsŏnghan yŏnae’ (sacred love). However, the word yŏnae ultimately functioned as a disengaged ideology rather than as creative energy to portray individuality in reality, since the concept was infatuated by abstract images of civilization. Connecting the concept with traditional custom and combining it with real life practice from the late 1920s, the concept of yŏnae rapidly degraded into a stage of dates, aiming for marriage. As a result, the concept became subjugated under the gender hierarchy and colonial middle class’ secular familism, in which they could distinguish their identity from the older generation and make nuclear families based on conjugal relations, which was actually confidentially supported by the colonial regime. In this way, the concept started to become conservative, losing its innovative connotations in the late colonial period.
키워드
Colonial Korea, Conceptual History, Love, Institution of Marriage, Modernization, Coloniality, Family Structure, Yi Kwang-su, Yu Kil-chun
INTRODUCTION
These earlier studies on
Such differences are commonplace, given that studies often overlook the fact that a single word can be understood differently by different parties. The way that meanings evolve over time is also often neglected: the later meaning may be greatly altered, only partially overlapping with, or even conflicting with earlier meanings. For all these reasons, the concept of
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN 愛 (AE, AFFECTION) AND 戀愛 (YŎNAE, LOVE): THE INNOVATIVE NATURE OF YŎNAE
The word
The Chinese character most equivalent to the concept of ‘love’ from which
There were different degrees of ‘affection,’ as can be inferred from the teachings of Mencius: “If I care for another’s parents and children in the same way as I do for my own parents and children, then I have the whole world in the palm of my hand,”
In this ideological system, which regarded filial piety as fundamental and benevolence as the preeminent virtue, the love between men and women was considered inconsequential. Accordingly, the words used to denote the feelings arising in male-female relationships could develop no further. In a cultural environment where people felt obliged to guard against expressing immoderate or excessive emotions, the relationship between men and women was generally not spoken about. Such relationships were described by Chinese characters like 愛 (affection), 樂 (
Korea, China, and Japan shared the same Chinese cultural and semantic sphere, taking a similar attitude toward love between men and women, which was not defined as an independent concept but was used differently depending on the broader semantic field of words like 愛 (affection), 情 (emotional ties), 樂 (joy) and 色 (lust). In China and Japan, words of Western origin, like ‘love,’ ‘
The missionary Medhurst used 愛 (affection), 好 (like), 愛惜 (love/care) and 戀愛 (love) as translations for the verb ‘to love’ in the English-Chinese Dictionary he published in 1847–1848. Subsequently, in a Dutch-Japanese Dictionary (1855– 1858), a French-Japanese Dictionary (1864), and an English-Chinese Dictionary (1862), diverse combinations of Chinese characters were used to translate ‘love’, ‘amore’, and “
In Korea, the modern meaning of
First, when a man loves (
Second, when the time is right, a man may directly ask a girl he loves (
The reason Yu Kil-chun used the word
After
The concept
During the 1910s, proponents of radical marriage theories gathered strength, as these ideas became linked to theories of social Darwinism. Enlightened intellectuals, such as Yi Kwang-su and Song Chin-u, were fiercely critical of the traditional custom of early marriage, describing it as a manifestation of a “food and lust-oriented barbaric philosophy of life,” and clearly distinguished civilized
The word
As this new conceptual space was opened up by
5 Mencius, “Fulfilling Heart, the first,”
6 Mencius, “King Yanghae, the first,”
7 Thus Moze’s theory of ‘loving each other’ (C.
8 See
9 Refer to Yanabu Akira, Translated by Sŏ Hye-yŏng (2003).
10 Ibid.
11
12 Yu Kil-chun,
13 Ibid.
14 “Chŏgyŏk sonyŏn” [Shooting boy],
15
16
17 The usage of the signifier
18
19
20
21
22 Ibid.
23 “Kajŏng kwa honin” [Home and marriage],”
24 Concerning the accommodation of
25 Cho Il-che,
26 Song Chin-u, Op. cit., pp. 5–6.
27 Refer to
THE INFLUX OF OVERSEAS THEORIES OF LOVE, AND THE ABSTRACT IDEOLOGIZATION OF yŏnae
This exciting new fashion for
Ellen Key, a Swedish feminist and proponent of child-centered education, was the first theoretician to raise awareness of
Ellen Key’s concepts built a theoretical foundation for love to be seen as a higher-level mental phenomenon, replacing the view of it as a simple and unsophisticated feeling aligned with physical lust.
With her Darwinian perspective on human nature and culture, she took a scientific approach by starting off the discussion of love with sexual desire, which is ultimately elevated into fully civilized love, becoming truly ethical as a result of the refinement and purification of primary instincts. These pioneering ideas provided the East Asian cultural sphere of Korea, China and Japan with a logical foundation for the theory of ‘love for love’s sake,’ which was prominently developed in Kuriyagawa Hakuson’s book
This seminal work, published in 1922, encompasses the author’s understanding of Western literature, psychoanalytic (Freudian) knowledge, and an analysis of Ellen Key’s writing. It became a best seller in Japan, and was also enthusiastically received in China and Korea. The gist of the book can be summarized as follows: 1) to champion a theory of ‘love for love’s sake,’ which considers
Kuriyagawa accepted and further developed Ellen Key’s theories, viewing
The book starts with a chapter titled ‘Love is Best’ and ends with a verse of Browning’s: “virtue on earth in life is a kiss from a girl.”
Kuriyagawa’s argument, however, did not progress beyond ‘love for love’s sake’ to laissez faire love. Taking a rather critical approach to Ibsen’s A Doll’s House which was highly acclaimed by advocates of free-marriage, Kuriyagawa argued that “denying an ego is the affirmation of a bigger ego”
Kuriyagawa asserted that such kind of love vanishing after marriage is nothing more than a game, and does not represent “a desire for genuine unity in a genuine spiritual life”
Kuriyagawa’s theories on
Key and Kuriyagawa had an overwhelming influence on this book. For instance, it is filled with Kuriyagawa-style color, such as “
Like Kuriyagawa’s logic,
Kuriyawaga’s argument that ‘the state of genuine unity in a genuine spiritual life can only be reached while “marriage” is being maintained through mutual dedication’ was later debased, however, to become the equation ‘
His view of
The direction in which the concepts evolved: toward a high level of abstraction, and toward the formation of an ideology, also affected the semantic field of their derivatives such as ‘
① Men and women choosing partners of their own free will, breaking free of parental control
② Noble love that symbolizes a new quality of civilization
③ Love that allows both parties to marry freely and divorce freely.
④ Free sex
In the early 1920s, scholars like No Cha-yŏng and Yŏm Sang-sŏp who had encountered overseas theories, distinguished ‘
The term ‘
‘
One thing that is very clear, though, is that the meanings of
28 “Sindodŏk ŭl nonhaya sinsahoe rŭl mang (望)-hanora [Discussing new morality and expecting new society],”
29
30 “Nyŏ haksaeng munje” [Problem of girl student (6)],
31
32
33 “Chŏngnyŏn’gi ŭi Il-i-pyedan” [One or two evils of the youth],
34 About the acceptance of Ellen Key, see the following: Ku In-mo (2004);
35
36
37
38 Ibid., p. 23.
39 Ibid., p. 84.
40 Kuriyakawa Hakuson, p. 11.
41 Ibid., p. 37.
42 Ibid., p. 49.
43 Ibid., pp. 42–43.
44 Ibid., p. 23.
45 Ibid., p. 47.
46
47
48
49 Kim Kwang-bae (1926), p. 72.
50
51
52
53 Kim Kwang-bae (1926), p. 73.
54
55
56
57
58 According to
59
60 Kim Kwang-bae (1926), pp. 73–74.
61 Ibid. p. 75.
62 The followings are examples for each case. : ① ‘There are two types of marriage:
63 The followings would be the examples:
64 The fourth meaning was activated when proletarian love was asserted by the socialist group. However, the dominant meaning of the word ‘
65 ‘
66 ‘The joy of discovering oneself in other’s configuration! That leads to the sacred
67 ‘Their rule of marriage is a sacred free marriage, and their institution of marriage is directly opposed to ours,’
68 ‘C was the person who believed that the object of love should be one and love was a sacred thing,’ Pak Chong-hwa (1924), p. 183.
69 ‘They dreamed of sacred spiritual love oppressing the instinct rippling in their chests.’
70 About the meaning of ‘
71 Refer to
EXPANDING PERSPECTIVES ON SEXUALITY, AND CONFORMABLE CONCEPT ADJUSTMENT
Nowadays, the subject of ‘sexuality’ always comes up in any discussion of love between men and women. However, when the word
But, as more was done in practice to modernize the approach to
Kollontai, a feminist and revolutionary in the Russian revolution, was inspired by her awareness of issues like gender inequality, unhappy marriages, and sex trafficking, to develop a radical theory of sexual liberation. Kollontai, who believed that gender inequality was caused by the economic dependency of women, asserted that a woman who lacks economic independence readily allows herself to become a ‘dependent being’ even in a love relationship, and is highly likely to end up in a marriage where she is dominated and restrained by a possessive partner. Kollontai proposed that the long-established social system, which locked women’s productivity into a traditional family structure, could and should be improved, and maintained that the traditional family system should be dismantled. Kollontai’s ‘red love’ puts forward a vision of an unfettered love, formed through companionship, which encourages both partners to engage socially and politically, rather than seeking to dominate one another.
Kollontai’s theory was first introduced to Korea in 1920,
However, there were different views on Kollontai even among socialists. At issue was the “instinctive (mechanical) satisfaction of sex,” introduced by Kollontai as a way of breaking free from possessive desires, restriction, and control. While, on one hand, suggesting that women should adopt an idealistic attitude to love in a socialist society, Kollontai, on the other hand, depicted a Soviet woman named Jennia who chose a loveless life that only satisfied her biological desires in a novel entitled
From the perspective of conceptual history, then, it is important to understand that the conventional concept
This new forthright approach to sexuality, and the loss of nobility of
After the mid-colonial era, those writers who had once stressed the significance and value of
We must remark, here that the fierce criticism of sexual and materialistic desires, as driven by
The new generation of women was emblematic of sexuality. “Indulging in sexuality too much as liberated women,”
The media that collectively criticized and underestimated women’s subjective choices demonstrated that the voluntary exercise of
On an ideological dimension,
From the 1930s, the buzz for
The following charts show the frequency with which news articles, published in
<Chart 1>.
<Chart 2>.
<Chart 3>.
<Chart 4>.
The charts show that articles mentioning both ‘
It should be understood that ‘chastity’ in this context was a word referring specifically to the restriction of women’s sexuality. Even the Civil Code stipulated a ‘wife’s obligation of chastity’ as one of ‘the effects of marriage,’ along with mutual support, mutual respect,
In the mid-to-late colonial period,
72
73
74
75
76 Aleksandra M. Kollontai started to be known with her novel
77 “Puinhaebangmunje e kwanhayŏ [About the liberation of women],”
78 The following are the essays that affirmed the acceptance of the theory of Kollontai:
79
80 About the Korean accommodation of Kollontai, see the following:
81 The following are essays that criticized the theory of Kollontai as decadent love:
82 The theory of Kollontai also aroused diverse polemic practices among some women and socialists. This article restrictively focused on the affection of the theory according to dominant social thought, excluding polemic practices.
83
84
85
86
87
88 According to the writer of the following article, a half of the trials in court were divorce trials in those days.
89 About the cultural change caused by the new trend of love, see
90 There are many articles that alluded to failures or regrets of a marriage resulting from
91
92
93
94 “Yŏryu munsa ŭi ‘yŏnae munje’ hoeŭi” [Convention for the
95 “Modern college kaegang” [The beginning of lectures at a modern college],
96 About the criticism on the new women in the 1930s, see the following:
97
98 “Yŏryu munsa ŭi ‘
99
100
101 “Sisangmanhwa”,
102 “Yŏryu munsa ŭi ‘
103 Refer to
104
105
106 “
107 Ibid.
108
109 Above charts are based on the search engine of the NAVER News Library (
110 The increasing frequency of articles including the words ‘
111
CONCLUSION
By the time that some real-life experience had been built up, however, and Kollontai’s theory of proletarian love had meanwhile given rise to free-spirited love, elements cognizant of ‘sexuality’ started flowing into the semantic field of
Infatuated by the images of abstract love propagated by Western civilization, the concept of
참고문헌(73)
-
[단행본]
1993
Translated by Jang, Jiyeon. “Samdae-ŭi sarang” [Love of three generations].
Poksu ŭi yŏsin nemesis wa ŭi 20 pun [Twenty minutes with the goddess of revenge, Nemesis].Ilsongjeong
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[참고문헌]
1933
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-
[참고문헌]
1938
“Yŏnaegwan pip’an: Mo Yun-suk, Na Hye-sŏk ssi-ŭi [Criticizing on the views of love: the views of Mo Yun-suk and Na Hye-sŏk].”
Samch’olli -
[참고문헌]
1933
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Samch’ŏlli 5(3)
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[단행본]
2007
Translated by Im Su-bin (Im Subin).
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[단행본]
1913
Ssangongnu .Pokŭpsŏgwan
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[참고문헌]
1919
“Unmyŏng” [Destiny]
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[참고문헌]
1927
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Sinyŏsŏng [New women] -
[참고문헌]
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Tong’a ilbo [Dong-A daily] -
[참고문헌]
1928
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-
[참고문헌]
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[단행본]
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Chosŏn munsa ŭi yŏnae kwan . -
[참고문헌]
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Taehan hŭnghakpo 6
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[단행본]
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[참고문헌]
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[단행본]
1926
“Siljerok (失題錄)” [An essay with a lost title],
Chosŏn munsa ŭi yŏnae kwan . -
[단행본]
1926
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Chosŏn munsa ŭi yŏnae kwan . -
[단행본]
1926
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Chosŏn munsa ǔi yŏnae kwan . -
[단행본]
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[단행본]
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Sinyŏsŏng .Han’gyeorae
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[참고문헌]
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“Yojo ohan [Four packs and a half].”
Taehan hŭng hakpo 10
-
[단행본]
1926
“Nae ka minnŭn mun’gu myŏt kae” [Several sentences I believe].
Chosŏn munsa ŭi yŏnae kwan . -
[참고문헌]
1924
“Yŏsŏng haebang undong ŭi kaechŏkcha Ellen Key” [A leading activist of feminism, Ellen Key].
Kaebyŏk 8–9, 1922.Pak Chong-hwa. “I’nyŏn hu”[After two years].Kaebyŏk 44
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[참고문헌]
1921
“Taeyu chabkam” [Miscellaneous thoughts on pavilion].
Kaebyŏk 9
-
[참고문헌]
1927
“Yŏnae tokpon, kyŏrhon kyogwasŏ: yŏnae namnyŏ pimangnok” [A reader for
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Samch’ŏlli 4(1)
-
[참고문헌]
1930
“Ch’ŏngch’un (靑春)namnyŏ (男女) tŭl ŭi kyŏrhon (結婚) Chunbi (準備) [Preparing marriage of young men and women].”
Pyŏlgŏn’gon 28
-
[참고문헌]
1931
“Kŏnjŏnhan sŏngjŏk chayu ŭi hoektŭk” [Obtaining a sound sexual freedom].
Tonggwang 24
-
[참고문헌]
1933
“Kyŏrhonnan ŭi t’agaech’aek, Yiji chŏk pip’an kwa suwan yŏnggnyang e ch’ijung” [Solution for an uproar in marriage: An emphasis on intellectual criticism and capability of ccumen].
Samch’ŏlli 5(4)
-
[참고문헌]
1931
“Proletaria yŏnae ŭi kojo: Yŏnae e taehan kyegŭpsŏng” [Upsurge of proletarian
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Yŏsŏng munhak yŏngu [Research on women’s literature]19
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[참고문헌]
1921
“
Pinghŏ kun ŭi Pinch’ŏwa Moksŏng kun ŭi Kŭ nalbamŭl ilgŭn insang ” [Impressions after readingThe Night by Moksŏng andThe Poor Wife by Bing’heur].Kaebyŏk 11
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[참고문헌]
1920
“Sanghae chapsin: Honin chedo munje” [A motley report from Shanghai: matters of the marriage institute].
Tong’a ilbo [Dong-A daily] -
[참고문헌]
1915
“Sasang kaehyŏk ron [Reformation of ideologies].”
Hakchigwang 5
-
[단행본]
1986
Translated by Sŏ Hye-yŏng (Seo Hyeyoung),
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-
[단행본]
1926
“Ch’amdoen
yŏnae nŭn tokkaebi imnida” [Truthful love is a goblin].”Chosŏn munsa ŭi Yŏnae kwan . -
[단행본]
1926
“Kamsang kwa kidae” [Sentiment and expectation].
Chosŏn munsa ŭi yŏnae kwan . -
[참고문헌]
“Kyŏrhon ŭn kwayŏn yŏnae ŭi punmyo?: Kijŏk kwa sinbi ŭi hyŏnsil” [Is a marriage really a grave of
yŏnae ?: A reality of miracle and mystery].Samch’ŏlli 4(1) : 1932
-
[참고문헌]
(2008)
“Aleksandra Kollontai ŭi (1892–1952) sahoejuŭi yŏsŏng haebang sasang” [Socialist thoughts on women’s liberation of Aleksandra Kollontai (1892–1952).
Sŏyangsa ron [On Western history]99
-
[참고문헌]
1935
“Yŏnae wa kyŏrhon e taehan na ŭi chech’ang” [My assertion on
yŏnae and marriage]Tong’a ilbo [Dong-A daily] -
[단행본]
1926
“Unmyŏng ŭi yŏnae” [Destined love].
Chosŏn munsa ŭi yŏnae kwan . -
[참고문헌]
1917
“Honin e taehan Kkwan’gyŏn” [Opinion on Marriage].
Hakchigwang 12
-
[단행본]
1961
“Chohon-ŭi aksŭp” [The vices of early marriage].
Yi Kwangsu Chŏnjip [Complete works of Yi Kwangsu] 1.Samjungdang
-
[단행본]
2003
Oppa ŭi t’ansaeng [The birth of an elder brother].Munhak kwa Chisŏngsa [Literary and intellectual history]
-
[학위논문]
“Siingminji kŭndae ŭi sinyŏsŏng chuch’ehyŏngsŏng e kwanhan yŏn’gu” [A study on the formation of the new woman subject in modern colonial times].
2002
Ehwa Woman’s University / Ph.D. diss.
-
[참고문헌]
1932
“Sinyŏnae ron” [ Theory of new
yŏnae ].Sindonga -
[참고문헌]
1938
“Yŏnae kwan ŭi nonjŏn: Yŏnae wa hongch’a (紅茶)” [Debate on views of
yŏnae :yŏnae and red tea].Samch’ŏlli 10(1)
-
[참고문헌]
(2006)
“Pulgŭn
yŏnae wa saeroun yŏsŏng” [Red love and the new women].Hyŏndae sosŏl yŏn’gu [Research on modern fiction]29
-
[단행본]
1926
“Paranŭn hanmadi” [One thing I want to say].
Chosŏn munsa ŭi yŏnae kwan . -
[참고문헌]
1932
“Proletaria yŏnae ron [On proletarian
yŏnae ].”Samch’ŏlli 4(4–5)
2 The representative research would be as follows: Choe Hye-sil (2000);Kim Dong-sik (2001) ; Kwŏn Podŭrae (2003) ; Chŏng Hye-yŏng (2006) ; Kim Chiyoung (2007) .
3 The pioneering researches would be as follows:Chŏng Hye-yŏng (1999) ; Kwŏn Podŭrae (2001) ; Kim Dong-sik (2001) ; Ku In-mo (2002) ; Lee Kyŏng-hun (2003) .
4 Research byKim Chiyoung (2004) and Kwŏn Podŭrae (2005) has dealt with the meaning of the vocabulary yŏnae and researched the relationship between the vocabulary and other social elements surrounding the word. However, the research did not illuminate the whole meaning changing process of the word yŏnae in the colonial period, since it mainly focused on the Korean enlightenment period. On the other hand, Sŏ Chi-yŏng (2008) studied the perceptional differentiation of love during the colonial period from the perspective of feminism and examined how the foreign theory of love was accepted and refracted in Korea, which is different from the views of this article focusing on the changing process of the concept.