초록
This article discusses the education-related contents of the English edition of the bilingual Korean newspaper The Independent which appeared from 1896 to 1898. The paper, edited by Sŏ Chae-p’il and Yun Ch’i-ho, was the key organ of the enlightenment party. It is argued that education was a key component of an internal civilizing mission spearheaded by the newspaper’s editors. This mission involved two elements. Firstly, The Independent saw education as a major means to emancipate Korea from Confucian tradition (which was itself seen as backward) and forge a new sense of nationalism. Secondly, education was continuously linked to new (predominantly male) practices, such as sports and military drills, as well as public speech and debating contests. Furthermore, reporting in the newspaper provides insights into educational debates and practices in late nineteenth-century Korea.
키워드
Civilizing mission, modern education, The Independent, Sŏ Chae-p’il, Yun Ch’i-ho
INTRODUCTION
The opening of Korea orchestrated by King Kojong, the penultimate ruler of the Chosŏn dynasty, from the 1870s onwards had direct consequences on education.
In addition, private actors also started to establish new educational institutions. These private schools can be roughly divided into three categories, the background of the founders clearly differentiating them from each other. Firstly, Koreans established schools that comprised new curricular contents. The Wŏnsan haksa founded in 1883 by local citizens of the port city in the north-eastern part of the country has been referred to as the “first modern school in Korea.”
The Kabo Reforms initiated in 1894 reformed Korean state education decisively. These reforms, modelled on the experiences of the Meiji state, were orchestrated by Japanese diplomats after their victory in the Sino-Japanese War that brought an end to Chinese influence on the Korean peninsula. The Confucian state examinations were abolished and a Ministry of Education was established. The government promulgated, but never effectively implemented, a comprehensive education system that even included compulsory primary schooling. Eventually, during the late 1890s, the Ministry of Education controlled a set of Foreign Language Schools (English, Japanese, Chinese, Russian, French and German), a Normal School, as well as nine primary schools in Seoul and twenty-one in provincial cities. Additionally, the government signed a contract with the Paejae Haktang to send two hundred students there annually on government fellowships.
It was in this situation following the Kabo Reforms that the bilingual newspaper
The main actors behind
Sŏ and Yun played a leading role in organising the Independence Club founded in July 1896 of which
The Independence Club and its enlightenment spirit were part of a global phenomenon.
Education was a key component of the Independence Club’s civilizing mission for the religious and moral improvement of the country. Newspapers and education were intimately linked in the late nineteenth century. Not only was education a central topic in a paper such as
EDUCATION FOR THE NATION
The first editorial on education in
The editors labelled hitherto dominant ways of education as “old,” “Confucian,” or “Chinese,” and contrasted them to a set of knowledge and practices they perceived as “new,” “modern,” or “Western”. In April 1898
Education played a central role in the intellectual readjustment and nationbuilding process that Andre Schmid has interpreted as “de-centering the middle kingdom.”
In place of rituals that underscored Korea’s participation in Chinese culture,
The editors’ view was shared by the missionary and government school teacher Homer B. Hulbert who took over the principalship of the Normal School in May 1897. At this stage, Hulbert argued that instruction should be in Korean, not Chinese. Consequently new textbooks were needed. He envisioned that Chinese in Korea would in future play a similar role to “Latin for the Englishman.”
Educational reforms had not only intellectual, but also practical consequences that were well represented in
More importantly, school uniforms were “icons of improvement”
the students of the Royal English School […] have been allowed to assume military dress. It will be a great change in student life. We commend the spirit of these progressive young Koreans and trust that with Western garments they will also adopt some of the more useful western ideas.
A few weeks later the students presented themselves to Kojong in their new uniforms. The paper reported that Kojong “was very much pleased with them” and that “they looked really nice and orderly.”
The students of Pai Chai School are looking well in their new caps and uniforms. They seem to be proud of their new dress and all regret that they did not adopt it sooner. […] Long live Pai Chai.
The students’ hair style was even more controversial.
As part of their civilizing mission, the editors labored to eradicate the dichotomy between
An anecdote from September 1897 highlights the same idea when the paper reported on a nobleman who had committed suicide and left behind a farewell letter. Therein the
Teach your children a skillful trade or some of the new knowledge of the West while they are young. If they grow up as I did some of them will be, in after years, in the same condition I am at the present.
The Korean elite did not embrace
The polemics started in early June when Sin submitted a memorial, criticizing foreign innovations, including universal public instruction, government students sent abroad, the use of Han’gŭl, the Gregorian calendar, as well as the new classroom practices.
The Minister is carrying out his plan of instructing young Korea remarkably well, but he may be more useful in China than in Korea. Korea wants statesmen for Korea, by Korea and with Korea. Korea is on her march of improvement and enlightenment, and however much the Minister tries to stem it the mighty tide of progressive spirit can not be checked by one Minister of Education.
Sin, in short, opposed all the achievements enlightenment thinkers associated with modern life and straightforwardly opposed the editors’ nationalization efforts and emancipation from China.
School uniforms became one central point of Sin’s criticism. Sin ordered that government school students be forbidden to wear Western clothes. Students and teachers alike were to be punished if they showed up in Western dress.
Shortly thereafter, Sin amplified his critique, harshly criticizing the new classroom practices for which he was in turn attacked by
The latest antics of the Minister of Education may be of some interest to Korea’s well-wishers. He ordered that the students sit on the benches cross legged; fold their arms on the seats like Buddha, walk on the streets like the letter S, that is, lean forward the body to one side and slowly drag the legs toward that side making the shape similar to the letter S. This kind of walking seems to his excellency to be dignified and Confucian. In the school room the students must sit in the shape of the character […] and when they meet face to face they must shake their own hands. This custom was originated by one of the Confucian disciples. The Minister has invented a new fashioned hat and coat which are modeled after the costumes worn by the Chinese some 2000 years ago.
What
A Confucian textbook recommended by the Minister incited further debate and eventually would lead to his dismissal. According to
Minister Sin resigned at the beginning of October 1896.
The educational work has been interfered with a little by a conservative Minister and received a slight check, but fortunately the Minister resigned his office and a more progressive man succeeded him. Even under such circumstances the schools which foreigners teach went on with their work with zeal and push. The students of several schools have been wearing uniforms in spite of the orders to the contrary from the Minister of Education. These students knew that they were legally and morally right in wearing their uniforms, so they fought the battle bravely with the Minister of Education, and deservedly came out victors.
Indeed, this was one of the “successes”
During 1898, the last year of appearance of
In spite of the loosely and unscientifically governed system of the Educational Department, there are over a thousand boys attending the primary schools, where they learn geography, arithmetic and history, which enable them to know that there are other countries in the world besides Korea, Japan and China; and they understand the different forms of Government in a general manner. The different mission schools and private secular institutions (not so many as there might be), train the youth of the capital in morality, patriotism, fundamental science and arts. When these young men grow up and take their fathers’ places, undoubtedly they will make better citizens; hence the whole nation will receive the benefits of the knowledge of these trained men. […] Absence of education has brought Korea to its present lamentable condition, and education alone, if anything can, will save us. What Korea needs most is the primary education which may enlighten the mind and elevate the morals of the young of the land. Not a cent should be spent by the government in high schools or colleges until the people of the entire peninsula have been provided with rudimentary schools where the children may learn some of the elements of education which shall make them more intelligent farmers and artisans than their fathers.
Thus, elementary instruction was the absolute priority for Korea, according to this editorial. Yun went on with a statement he repeatedly used in order to hint at the, in his opinion, false priorities of spending: “The Department of Education we believe to be a farce.”
One week later an editorial on foreign language schools partly put the uselessness of education above elementary level into question:
What we want is the rich, renovating, nay, revolutionizing ideas of the West introduced and naturalized, as it were, in Korea. Cotton goods and implements, all useful in their places, can not give us this desirable result. Mere imitation of Europeans modes of architecture, or of dress or of cuisine, will be mere empty show unless we are quickened by the great epoch-making and world-moving thoughts of the occidental races. The adoption of the superior political institutions of Europe or America without our being first educated up to them will be worse than a farce. Hence, we must, first of all, possess not only, but assimilate as well, the ideas which have produced the Western civilization.
Now, the only means of unlocking the rich magazines of Western thoughts is the tongue. The study of the great languages of the world is not a luxury but a necessity to Korea. The money which our government spends in this direction is the best investment we can recommend. We are glad to know that some progress has been made in the existing foreign language schools, thanks to the skill and faithfulness of the instructors, in spite of many disadvantages and discouragements.
The role of higher education in Korea was to appropriate Western knowledge and, Yun argued, foreign language schools played a positive role in this process. But what were the “disadvantages and discouragements?” Yun deplored the fact that all foreign language schools were independent from one another, “with no common management, no common discipline, no common uniform, no common feeling among them.” This state of affairs led to practical problems, such as higher costs and students not being able to study more than one language. But this arrangement, according to Yun, was also “full of dangers,” the biggest problem being the proliferation of “partisan spirits.” Expertise in a certain language may lead to advocating closer relations with that foreign power to the disadvantage of a student’s ties with Korea:
It is an open secret that they become the partisans of the country whose mother tongue they study. Partisan quarrels sacrificing great national interests to miserable factional gains has been the bane of Korea. We hoped that the study of foreign languages, so full of precepts and examples of broad patriotism, would mitigate and gradually eradicate the narrow spirit of the Korean youths.
Finally, Yun urged the Ministry of Education to establish one big school located in a common building so “that the study of a foreign language is not to make [students] half-fledged foreigners but full developed Koreans with higher ideals and nobler patriotism.”
Yun, in conclusion, stressed the necessity of both elementary and higher education for Korea’s development. As in other fields, such as railway construction and the exploitation of gold mines—in which the Korean government had given concessions to foreign companies—Yun warned against imperialist encroachment. To his eyes, the foreign dimension, the appropriation of Western knowledge, played a crucial role. However, it was important to him that this process was not foreign-controlled, but regulated by Koreans, so that education produced Korean patriots and not “half-fledged foreigners.”
The articles in
23
24
25 On this question with reference to China see Barbara Schulte, “Europe Refracted. Western Education and Knowledge in China,”
26
27
28 Ibid.
29 Schmid,
30
31
32
33
34 On the implementation of a modern system of classroom interaction in Europe see Marcelo Caruso,
35 Mann, “Torchbearers,” 14.
36 Hyung Gu Lynn, “Fashioning Modernity: Changing Meanings of Clothing in Colonial Korea,”
37
38
39
40 Sukman Jang, “The Politics of Haircutting in Korea: A Symbol of Modernity and the ‘Righteous Army Movement’ (1895–96),”
41
42 On how modern education started to influence career paths from the late nineteenth century onwards, see Kyung Moon Hwang,
43
44
45 Ibid.
46 On this affair see also Chandra,
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55 Byong-ik Koh, “Diplomacy and Missionary in the Late 19th Century Korea—the Case of Education Minister’s Slandering of Christianity,” in
56
57
58
59 Michael Kim, “Giving Reasons to the Unreasonable: Philip Jaisohn and the New Urban Space of
60 Ibid.
61 Ibid.
62
63
64 Carlo Rossetti,
65 For a similar discussion with regard to India, albeit with a stronger emphasis on foreign imperial interference see Tim Allender, “Closing Down an Intellectual Interchange: The Gifting of Text to Colonial India,”
66 Mann, “Torchbearers,” 5.
67 I am using the term “field” in Bourdieu’s understanding: Pierre Bourdieu, “Quelques propriétés des champs,” in
68 Dohyung Kim, “Modern Reform Theories and Confucian Thought of Chang Chiyŏn,”
A SET OF NEW PRACTICES
The enlightenment reformers’ civilizing mission found expression not only in discourses and institutions. We have already seen how hair styles and seating arrangements were reformed and became the subject of heated debate. This section further analyses changes in educational practices with a special focus on school celebrations, sporting events and debating societies which appear to be the most frequent educational themes in
The paper regularly reported on the celebrations, picnics and military drills of the government schools and the Paejae Haktang.
The closing exercises of the Paejae Haktang in July 1897 were an especially well-organized event and resulted in some especially vivid reporting.
The guests included the elite of the Anglophone community of Seoul. There were the diplomatic representatives of the United States and Great Britain, John M. B. Sill and John N. Jordan. The leading American missionaries Hulbert, C. F. Reid and George Heber Jones, as well as the British missionary Alexander Kenmure, were all present. The teachers of the government English Language School W. du Fon Hutchinson and Thomas E. Halifax, both from Britain, also attended. From the Korean side, the article mentioned high government officials, including ministers and vice-ministers as well as the governor of Seoul. However, only the minister of education Min Chong-muk is mentioned by name. The Paejae Haktang appeared as a quasi-official United States school in Korea.
One of the central points of the editorial is the positioning of Korea between the East and the West and the role of education in this process of positioning. In fact, the ceremony consisted of a Chinese and an English program. The author of the editorial highlighted a contrast between the two parts, writing in an extremely negative way about the Chinese part. In his opinion the Chinese presentation was “comical,” “painful,” and “tiresome”: “The sooner the teaching of Chinese classics and the doctrines of Chinese sages in the Korean schools are abolished, the better for the country and its people.” The disdain for China and Chinese education also found expression in Yi Sŭngman’s (Syngman Rhee who was one of the Paejae students and would become the first President of the Republic of Korea) oration on the independence of Korea. In strong contrast to the negative evaluation of China, most participants in the ceremony seemed to show great enthusiasm for everything related to the “West.” Reverend Jones argued that “education stands in a vital relation to the West.” He “regarded with much pleasure the broadening interest of Korea in schools.” Without any doubt, the author of this editorial agreed with this opinion. In this sense embracing the West also had an important religious dimension, as it entailed accepting Protestant Christianity.
Similarly, pageantry became a prominent part of regular school activities.
As the analysis of the festivities indicates, sports and military drills acquired a central role in education, or at least in its public representation in the newspaper.
Schools had to be equipped with facilities for physical exercise. Initially, the paper continuously lamented that schools in Seoul did not yet have drill grounds. One year later, however, it could be reported that the new gymnasium at the Paejae Haktang had finally been completed: “The Paichai School boys are enjoying themselves nowadays in their new gymnasium. Some of the lads are quite expert with the horizontal bars, swings and ladders.”
The government schools started to organise annual athletic exercises.
all doing excellent work, and the scholars are showing not only that they have no mean capacity for learning languages, but also that they have an aptitude for physical exercises, which, in our opinion, though Koreans as a race are well developed, are necessary to stir up the blood made stagnant by their hitherto indolent and sedentary manner of life. […] The English School [students] appeared first on the parade ground, looking very smart in their new khaki uniforms with red stripes and facings. The first company carried rifles, the remainder of the English scholars, being mostly newcomers, were not yet sufficiently proficient to drill with arms on such an occasion. Next came the Russian School, looking very neat in white uniforms with blue stripes; the French scholars, in Korean costumes, bringing up the rear.
Praising the students’ efforts,
every contestant showed on his face the determination that he went into the game to win. The most pleasing feature of the whole exercises was that the boys showed their manly spirit and gentlemanly demeanor.
Debates intensified in spring 1898 when the government schools held a field day for athletic contests: “The exercises will consist of races, jumping, putting the shot, throwing at a mark and other events common to such occasions. It is said that interest in the event is keenly felt by the Koreans and we doubt not that this joint field day will be a grand success. We trust the public will be allowed to attend for it will be a new number on Seoul’s social program.”
Why, these very lads were only a few years ago nothing but young fossils, not as old, it is true, as their fathers, old fossils, but almost as dead. Bodily exercise was unknown to them. We are glad that the foreign teachers to whose care has been committed the delicate and responsible duties of educating the Korean scholar, have taken the pains not merely to cram into his head verbs and nouns but also to develop the thus far latent resources of his muscles and limbs. This is one of the best means of introducing the active and up-and-be-doing spirit of the progressive West into stagnant Korea, and we go so far as to say that we should be inclined to pardon the boy who takes a prize in the 100 yards race for any number of grammatical rules he may break.
Just a few days later the government primary schools organized a similar contest. According to
Not only was physical exercise in the form of competitive sport new to Korea. Debating societies became increasingly popular in Korea and introduced a new form of sociability. In November 1896, the students of the Paejae Haktang established a debating society. The society’s purpose was, as
The first anniversary of the debating society resembled the many school celebrations analysed above. At this time membership had increased from the initial thirteen members to over two hundred. The building was decorated with Korean flags and more than three hundred people joined the event. Before the contest began, the participants and attendees sang the Korean national anthem. Sŏ, who was referred to as “the father of the Society,” and Yun were the invited speakers.
In February 1898 the students of the government schools organized their own debating society. Every Saturday, they discussed scientific and economic questions at the Normal School building. The students elected a Korean teacher of the Normal School as president of the society. Initially the society had eighty members. Their object was “to cultivate friendship among the students of various schools and to learn the art of public debate.”
the new debating society among the government schools is a sign of the times. It is to be hoped that all such societies will serve to inculcate knowledge as well as create orators. It should also be an incentive to better study and clearer and more pronounced views. We hope such views will always be enlightened, patriotic and worthy of the times in which we live.
The author praised the debating society of the Paejae Haktang and the military drills as a moment of modernity that would profoundly change the country’s future: “Young Koreans take to them as ducks to water.”
These practices were part of a new form of masculinity that emerged in the late nineteenth century, as Vladimir Tikhonov has convincingly argued.
Educational opportunities for girls were rare.
In September 1898 Korean women formed a Female Education Society with the purpose of urging the government to establish a school for girls.
[…] We women, like the blind and deaf, still adhere to old customs. Why is this? Is it because our hands or feet, our eyes or ears are different from those of man? Why is it that we, like idiots, are contented to depend on the bounty of men, living in lifelong seclusion under the control of the stronger sex?
Behold the woman of a civilized nation! She enjoys equal rights with man. She studies all branches of learning in schools. When she grows up into womanhood marriage does not mean bondage to her. Nay, she is honored because she is not inferior to her husband in education and accomplishment. Our hearts are sad when we think of our wrongs! Men, by mere superiority of force, kept us in oppression. Their books tell us that a woman must always be secluded; that she must not speak of the outside affairs, and that she must only attend to the preparation of wine and food. Why should we, not differing from men in the enjoyment of physical and mental faculties, endure wrongs in ignorance of the world like dead people? We propose to establish a female school where girls may learn all kinds of accomplishment to prepare them for the duties of intelligent womanhood. We hope that our sisters will send their girls to the school.
This manifesto has been referred to as “the first declaration of women’s rights in Korea.”
In conclusion, the editors’ civilizing mission comprised various practices newly introduced to Korea and essentially reserved for men. On the one hand, these practices fostered discipline and order, as in the case of sports. On the other hand they also promoted liberal values, as in the case of the debating societies which would prepare Korean youth for parliamentary debates.
69
70
71
72 Mann, “Torchbearers,” 14.
73
74 For a comparison with Japanese and European pageantry see Takashi Fujitani,
75
76
77 Yun also mentions in his diary how students participated in the Independence Club’s protests against Russian control of Korea in March 1898. See
78 Gwang Ok,
79 Vladimir Tikhonov, “Masculinizing the Nation: Gender Ideologies in Traditional Korea and in the 1890s–1900s Korean Enlightenment Discourse,”
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94 Paul Dimeo, “Sporting and the ‘Civilizing Mission’ in India,” in
95 Luther Stearns Cushings,
96
97
98
99
100
101
102 Tikhonov, “Masculinizing the Nation.” On similar discussions in China see Barbara Schulte, ‘
103 Christophe Charle,
104 Hyaeweol Choi,
105
106 On the women’s school movement see Choi,
107
108 Seung-kyung Kim and Kyounghee Kim, “Mapping a hundred years of activism: women’s movements in Korea,” in
109
110 According to Se Eung Oh, debating societies were part of a “self-training process to create a political force.” See Oh,
A VARIETY OF EDUCATIONAL TOPICS
Beyond the use of education in direct relation to the editors’ civilizing project,
Education Abroad
The paper occasionally reported on education in foreign countries. Firstly, there were reports concerning Japan and the Japanese Empire. A notice on education in the Japanese colony of Taiwan in January 1898 draws on the Japanese newspaper
Secondly, the paper featured educational news from China related to the Hundred Days Reform, a short-lived reform movement of 1898. An article taken from the journal
Thirdly,
This reporting testifies to the vivid transnational exchange with other East Asian and American newspapers.
Education for European and American children in Korea
The English edition of
In June 1898 Americans organised a party on the occasion of Children’s Day exclusively for American and European children. The comment that “some [children] who were with us in the past are now in school in Chefoo and in Lausanne in Switzerland” informs us that it was common for foreign children to receive an education outside the peninsula.
A Japanese School in Seoul
Japanese actors played a significant role in introducing modern education to Korea. These activities are partly related to the Christian educator Honda Yōitsu who had been a Japanese army chaplain in Manchuria during the Sino-Japanese War and apparently was on good terms with the editors of
One year after its foundation the school had fifty-eight students.
In November 1897 the number of students had tripled, as Honda announced at a speech before the imperialist Tōa Dōbunkai (East Asia Common Culture Society) in Tokyo.
During his visit to Korea in August 1897, Itō Hirobumi visited the Keijō Gakkō and addressed the students. The Japanese statesman “emphasized the importance of education as the best foundation for individual welfare as well as for national prosperity.”
Study Abroad in Japan
The Japanese connection also played out on another level. One measure decided during the Kabo Reform period was to send students to Japan at Korean government expense to receive a higher education.
The paper also reported regularly on the cultural activities of the Korean students in Japan. They created the “Society of Korean Students in Japan” for the purpose of “cultivating mutual friendship and exchanging views on various topics, generally relating to their studies and the political and social affairs of their native land.”
The articles are like essays of school boys, but they show one fact and that is the authors are familiar with the text books which they study. There are very few original ideas in these questions which they discuss but everyone quotes freely from the European and American authorities on these subjects. The publication is very valuable as it adds to the literature of this country, the reading of which by the students of the different schools during their leisure hours will give them a wide scope of information on matters of general interest.
The funding of the students provoked major debates when it was decided to recall all government students from Japan in 1898. One third decided to return, the rest wanted to continue studies at their own expense.
In short,
Establishment of the German Language School
Whereas most government foreign language schools had already been established before 1896, the German language school was created in 1898, during the time when
On 15 September, finally,
Illegal Behaviour
In a situation where education slowly became the instrument of social advance, students of modern schools benefitted from a high status. When the students did not live up to the social expectations, they were sure to attract the rage of their surrounding. A drunken student at the Russian Language School used abusive language one evening in Chongno. When people from the neighbourhood started to attack him the police had to intervene.
Some criminal cases were related to modern schools.
Ministerial Ups and Downs
Moreover, the English edition of
In January 1897,
In February 1897 another issue occurred. It was announced that the money used for students’ lunch in the Royal English School should be used for hiring a Chinese teacher.
Despite the pre-eminence of the Paejae Haktang and the English Language School in the reporting of
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
119
120
121
122 Bryna Goodman, “Networks of News: Power, Language and Transnational Dimensions of the Chinese Press, 1850–1949,”
123
124
125
126
127
128 Horace H. Underwood,
129 Korean Repository, II, 6, 1895, p. 239.
130 Akira Iriye, “Japan’s Drive to Great-Power Status,” in
131 Han Yong-jin, “Kyŏngsŏng Haktang,” in
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
139
140
141
142
143 Vladimir Tikhonov, “The 1890s Korean Reformers’ View of Japan—A Menacing Model,” International Journal of Asian Studies 2 (2005).
144
145
146
147
148
149 On German cultural imperialism see for example Lewis Pyenson,
150
151
152
153
154
155 On the dismissal of students of the English and Japanese language schools because they broke the school regulations see
156
157
158
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
CONCLUSION
Education was a central theme in
The reporting was most extensive on the government language schools, especially the English Language School, and the Paejae Haktang. This clearly shows the editors’ preference for Anglo-Saxon and Protestant references. This emphasis was also due to the strength of Protestant missionary networks in which Sŏ and Yun were well integrated. The Russian, French and German language schools were also present in
Educational articles in
172 Carmen Blacker,
173
참고문헌(76)
-
[단행본]
1897
Korea and her Neighbours: a Narrative of Travel, with an Account of the Recent Vicissitudes and Present Position of the Country .John Murray
-
[단행본]
1845
Manual of Parliamentary Practice. Rules of Proceedings and Debate in Deliberative Assemblies .Reynolds
-
[참고문헌]
(1896)
“Education in the Capital of Korea. I.”
Korean Repository 3 : 281 - 287
-
[단행본]
1877
“The Centennial Exposition.” In
Twenty-Second Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the St. Louis Public Schools, for the Year Ending August 1, 1876 161
Slawson
-
[단행본]
The Independent , 1896–1899. -
[단행본]
1999
My Days in Korea and Other Essays . Edited by Sun-pyo Hong.Institute for Modern Korean Studies, Yonsei University
-
[단행본]
1868
“Collections diverses.” In
Rapports du jury international. Tome 13 , Edited by Michel Chevalier749
Dupont
-
[보고서]
Report of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1894–1895 .1896
-
[단행본]
Corea e Coreani: Impressioni e ricerche sull'impero del gran Han .1904
Istituto italiano d’arti grafiche
-
[단행본]
1926
Modern Education in Korea .International Press
-
[단행본]
“Levels of Enlightenment.”
Sourcebook of Korean Civilization. Volume II. From the Seventeenth Century to the Modern Period . Edited by Peter H. Lee341
Columbia University Press
-
[단행본]
1975
Yun Ch’i-ho ilgi .National History Compilation Committee
-
[단행본]
2010
Girls’ Secondary Education in the Western World. From the 18th to the 20th Century. Secondary Education in a Changing World.
Palgrave Macmillan
-
[참고문헌]
(2012)
“Closing Down an Intellectual Interchange: The Gifting of Text to Colonial India.”
Comparativ 22 : 15 - 32
-
[단행본]
2005
Zivilisierungsmissionen: imperiale Weltverbesserung seit dem 18. Jahrhundert .UVK Verlagsgesellschaft
-
[단행본]
1964
The Japanese Enlightenment: A Study of the Writings of Fukuzawa Yukichi .Cambridge University Press
-
[단행본]
1980
“Quelques propriétés des champs.” In
Questions de sociologie . Edited by Pierre Bourdieu113
Minuit
-
[참고문헌]
(2009)
“Johann Bolljahn (1862–1928): Begründer des Deutschunterrichts in Korea—zur interkulturellen Karriere eines pommerschen Lehrers in Ostasien.”
Baltische Studien. Pommersche Jahrbücher für Landesgeschichte 95 : 133 - 150
-
[단행본]
2010
Geist oder Mechanik: Unterrichtsordnungen als kulturelle Konstruktionen in Preußen, Dänemark (Schleswig-Holstein) und Spanien 1800–1870 .Peter Lang
-
[참고문헌]
(1986)
“Sentiment and Ideology in the Nationalism of the Independence Club (1896–1898),”
Korean Studies 10 : 13 - 34
10.1353/ks.1986.0000
-
[단행본]
1988
Imperialism, Resistance, and Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century Korea: Enlightenment and the Independence Club.
University of California, Institute of East Asian Studies
-
[단행본]
2011
La discordance des temps: une brève histoire de la modernité.
Armand Colin
-
[참고문헌]
(1980)
“The Reception of Western Law in Korea.”
Korea Journal 20 : 33 - 44
-
[단행본]
2009
Gender and Mission Encounters in Korea: New Women, Old Ways .University of California Press
-
[단행본]
1997
Changes in Korean Society between 1884–1910 as a Result of the Introduction of Christianity .Peter Lang
-
[단행본]
2003
Living Dangerously in Korea: the Western Experience, 1900–1950 .EastBridge
-
[단행본]
2000
A Mission to Civilize: the Republican Idea of Empire in France and West Africa, 1895–1930.
Stanford University Press
-
[참고문헌]
(2012)
“Enlightenment in Global History: A Historiographical Critique.”
American Historical Review 117 : 999 - 1027
10.1093/ahr/117.4.999
-
[단행본]
2004
“Sporting and the ‘Civilizing Mission’ in India.” In
Colonialism as Civilizing Mission. Cultural Ideology in British India . Edited by Harald FischerTiné and Michael Mann165
Anthem Press
-
[참고문헌]
(2012)
“Japanisch–Kundoku–Chinesisch. Zur Geschichte von Sprache und Übersetzung in Japan.”
Geschichte und Gesellschaft 38 : 217 - 242
10.13109/gege.2012.38.2.217
-
[단행본]
2004
Colonialism as Civilizing Mission. Cultural Ideology in British India .Anthem Press
-
[단행본]
1996
Splendid Monarchy: Power and Pageantry in Modern Japan .University of California Press
-
[참고문헌]
(2004)
“Networks of News: Power, Language and Transnational Dimensions of the Chinese Press, 1850–1949.”
The China Review 4 : 1 - 10
-
[단행본]
2011
“The Global Diffusion of the Western Concept of Civilisation to Nineteenth-Century Korea.” In
Cultural Transfers in Dispute. Representations in Asia, Europe and the Arab World since the Middle Ages . Edited by Jörg Feuchter, Friedhelm Hoffmann and Bee Yun283
Campus Verlag
-
[참고문헌]
(1997)
“Of ‘Manly Valor’ and ‘German Honor’: Nation, War, and Masculinity in the Age of the Prussian Uprising against Napoleon.”
Central European History 30 : 187 - 220
10.1017/S0008938900014023
-
[단행본]
2012
“Kyŏngsŏng Haktang.” In
Kŭndae Han’guk kodŭnggyoyuk yŏn’gu . Edited by Yong-jin Han325
Koryŏ taehakkyo
-
[단행본]
2004
Beyond Birth: Social Status in the Emergence of Modern Korea .Harvard University Asia Center
-
[단행본]
1989
“Japan’s Drive to Great-Power Status.” In
The Cambridge history of Japan. The nineteenth century . Edited by Marius B. Jansen721
Cambridge University Press
-
[참고문헌]
(1998)
“The Politics of Haircutting in Korea: A Symbol of Modernity and the ‘Righteous Army Movement’ (1895–96).”
Review of Korean Studies 1 : 26 - 52
-
[참고문헌]
(2008)
“Pervyj prepodavatel’ russkogo yazyka v Koree N. N. Biryukov: pedagog, organizator voennoy razbedki i diplomat.”
Problemy Dal’nego Vostoka 2 : 153 - 160
-
[참고문헌]
(2002)
“Modern Reform Theories and Confucian Thought of Chang Chiyŏn.”
Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies 2 : 1 - 26
-
[단행본]
2006
“Views of Modern Reforms as Depicted in the Hwangsŏng sinmun during the Taehan Empire.” In
Reform and Modernity in the Taehan Empire . Edited by Dong-no Kim, John B. Duncan and Do-hyung Kim37
Jimoondang
-
[참고문헌]
(2012)
“The Origins of Korea’s Eurocentrism: A Study of Discourses on Gaehwa and Munmyeong.”
Seoul Journal of Korean Studies 25 : 31 - 54
-
[참고문헌]
“Giving Reasons to the Unreasonable: Philip Jaisohn and the New Urban Space of The Independent.”
Comparative Korean Studies 11 : 185 - 207
-
[단행본]
2010
“Mapping a hundred years of activism: women’s movements in Korea.” In
Women’s Movements in Asia. Feminism and Transnational Activism . Edited by Mina Roces and Louise Edwards189–
Routledge
-
[참고문헌]
(1995)
“Under the Mandate of Nationalism: Development of Feminist Enterprises in Modern Korea, 1860–1910.”
Journal of Women’s History 7 : 120 - 136
10.1353/jowh.2010.0432
-
[단행본]
2010
Globetrotter, Abenteurer, Goldgräber. Auf deutschen Spuren im alten Korea. Mit einem Abriss zur Geschichte der Yi-Dynastie und der deutschkoreanischen Beziehungen bis 1910 .Iudicium
-
[단행본]
2004
“Diplomacy and Missionary in the Late 19th Century Korea—the Case of Education Minister’s Slandering of Christianity.” In
Essays on East Asian History and Cultural Traditions . Edited by Byong-ik Koh199
Sowha
-
[단행본]
2012
Yun Ch’i-ho. Intellektueller in einer Transformationszeit .Iudicium
-
[참고문헌]
(1964)
“Royal College: The Earliest Modern Government School in Korea.”
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 21 : 26 - 42
-
[단행본]
2000
Modern Education, Textbooks and the Image of the Nation: Politics of Modernization and Nationalism in Korean Education, 1880–1910 .Garland
-
[단행본]
2006
“The Perception of the United States during the Enlightenment Period.” In
Korean Perceptions of the United states: A History of Their Origins and Formation . Translated by Michael Finch. Edited by Young Ick Lew105
Jimoondang
-
[참고문헌]
(2004)
“Fashioning Modernity: Changing Meanings of Clothing in Colonial Korea.”
Journal of International and Area Studies 11 : 75 - 93
-
[단행본]
1986
The Games Ethic and Imperialism: Aspects of the Diffusion of an Ideal .Viking
-
[단행본]
2004
“‘Torchbearers Upon the Path of Progress’: Britain’s Ideology of a ‘Moral and Material Progress’ in India.” In
Colonialism as Civilizing Mission. Cultural Ideology in British India . Edited by Harald Fischer-Tiné and Michael Mann1
Anthem Press
-
[단행본]
1995
Dr. Philip Jaisohn’s Reform Movement, 1896–1898: A Critical Appraisal of the Independence Club .University Press of America
-
[단행본]
2009
“Women, Newspapers, and the Public Sphere in Turn-of-the-Century Korea.” In
Epistolary Korea: Letters in the Communicative Space of the Chosŏn, 1392–1910 . Edited by JaHyun Kim Haboush157
Columbia University Press
-
[단행본]
2007
The Transformation of Modern Korean Sport: Imperialism, Nationalism, Globalization .Hollym
-
[단행본]
2000
Pomp und Politik: Monarchenbegegnungen in Europa zwischen Ancien Régime und Erstem Weltkrieg .Schöningh
-
[단행본]
1985
Cultural Imperialism and Exact Sciences: German Expansion Overseas 1900–1930 .Peter Lang
-
[참고문헌]
(2011)
“Multiply-Translated Modernity in Korea: Samuel Smiles’ Self-Help and Its Japanese and Korean Translation.”
International Journal of Korean History 16 : 153 - 180
-
[단행본]
2002
Korea between Empires, 1895–1919 .Columbia University Press
-
[단행본]
2008
‘
Zur Rettung des Landes’: Bildung und Beruf im China der Republikzeit .Campus Verlag
-
[참고문헌]
(2012)
“Europe Refracted. Western Education and Knowledge in China.”
European Education 44 : 67 - 87
10.2753/EUE1056-4934440404
-
[참고문헌]
(1978)
“The Establishment of the First Modern School in Korea.”
Social Science Journal 5 : 127 - 141
-
[참고문헌]
(2012)
“Journey in the Historiography of the French Method of Physical Education: A Matter of Nationalism, Imperialism and Gender.”
History of Education 41 : 713 - 732
10.1080/0046760X.2012.697920
-
[참고문헌]
(2005)
“The 1890s Korean Reformers’ View of Japan—A Menacing Model.”
International Journal of Asian Studies 2 : 57 - 81
10.1017/S1479591405000033
-
[참고문헌]
(2007)
“Masculinizing the Nation: Gender Ideologies in Traditional Korea and in the 1890s–1900s Korean Enlightenment Discourse.”
The Journal of Asian Studies : 1029 - 1065
-
[단행본]
2010
Social Darwinism and Nationalism in Korea: The Beginnings (1880s– 1910s). ‘Survival’ as an Ideology of Korean Modernity .Brill
-
[단행본]
2010
Reforming the World. The Creation of America’s Moral Empire .Princeton University Press
-
[단행본]
2011
Brokers of Empire: Japanese Settler Colonialism in Korea, 1876–1945 .Harvard University Asia Center
-
[단행본]
2011
Civilizing Missions in Colonial and Postcolonial South Asia. From Improvement to Development .Anthem Press
-
[참고문헌]
(2012)
“Seeking the Educational Cure. Egypt and European Education, 1805–1920.”
European Education 44 : 51 - 66
10.2753/EUE1056-4934440403
-
[참고문헌]
(1995)
“Les rituels politiques du Japon moderne. Tournées impériales et stratégies du regard dans le Japon de Meiji.”
Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 50 : 341 - 371
10.3406/ahess.1995.279369
-
[단행본]
2006
“Rejection, Selection, and Acceptance: Early Modern Korean Education and Identity (Re)Construction, 1895–1910.” In
Reform and Modernity in the Taehan Empire . Edited by Dong-no Kim, John B. Duncan, Do-hyung Kim73
Jimoondang
-
[학위논문]
“Education, the Struggle for Power, and Identity Formation in Korea, 1876–1910.”
Los Angeles
University of California / Ph.D. diss.
2 Recent English language scholarship includes Yoonmi Lee,Modern Education, Textbooks and the Image of the Nation: Politics of Modernization and Nationalism in Korean Education, 1880–1910 (New York: Garland, 2000); Leighanne Yuh, “Rejection, Selection, and Acceptance: Early Modern Korean Education and Identity (Re)Construction, 1895–1910,” in Reform and Modernity in the Taehan Empire , ed. Dong-no Kim, John B. Duncan, Do-hyung Kim (Seoul: Jimoondang, 2006); Leighanne Yuh, “Education, the Struggle for Power, and Identity Formation in Korea, 1876–1910” (Ph.D.diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 2008).
3 Kwang-rin Lee, “Royal College: The Earliest Modern Government School in Korea,”Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 21 (1964).
4 Yong-ha Shin, “The Establishment of the First Modern School in Korea,”Social Science Journal 5 (1978).
5 For consistency’s sake I use the Korean name of the school rendered in McCune-Reischauer Romanization, unless I am directly quoting fromThe Independent . In the case of Ewha Haktang, I use the Romanization ‘Ewha”, as it is still commonly used today.
6 Myung-Keun Choi,Changes in Korean Society between 1884–1910 as a Result of the Introduction of Christianity (New York: Peter Lang, 1997), 71–126.
7 Jun Uchida,Brokers of Empire: Japanese Settler Colonialism in Korea, 1876-1945 (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2011), 55–58.
8 Philip Jaisohn,My Days in Korea and Other Essays , ed. Sun-pyo Hong (Seoul: Institute for Modern Korean Studies, Yonsei University, 1999).
9 Kenneth M. Wells,New God, New Nation: Protestants and Self-Reconstruction Nationalism in Korea, 1896-1937 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1990), 56–61.
10 Vipan Chandra, “Sentiment and Ideology in the Nationalism of the Independence Club (1896– 1898),”Korean Studies 10 (1986); Vipan Chandra, Imperialism, Resistance, and Reform in Late NineteenthCentury Korea: Enlightenment and the Independence Club (Berkeley: University of California, Institute of East Asian Studies, 1988); Se Eung Oh, Dr. Philip Jaisohn’s reform movement, 1896–1898: a critical appraisal of the Independence Club (Lanham: University Press of America, 1995).
11 Jongtae Kim, “The Origins of Korea’s Eurocentrism: A Study of Discourses onGaehwa and Munmyeong ,” Seoul Journal of Korean Studies 25 (2012): 42–45. Vladimir Tikhonov has insightfully shown the contrast of Sŏ being a Republican in the United States and an advisor to the monarch in Korea, envisioning reforms from above. See Vladimir Tikhonov, Social Darwinism and Nationalism in Korea: The Beginnings (1880s–1910s). ‘Survival’ as an Ideology of Korean Modernity (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 197. Yun as well saw the masses merely as objects for cultivation: Eun-Jeung Lee, Yun Ch’i-ho. Intellektueller in einer Transformationszeit (München: Iudicium, 2012), 62–63.
12 Andre Schmid,Korea between Empires, 1895-1919 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002).
13 Sebastian Conrad, “Enlightenment in Global History: A Historiographical Critique,”American Historical Review 117 (2012).
14 Boris Barth and Jürgen Osterhammel, ed.,Zivilisierungsmissionen: imperiale Weltverbesserung seit dem 18. Jahrhundert (Konstanz: UVK Verlagsgesellschaft, 2005); Harald Fischer-Tiné and Michael Mann, ed., Colonialism as Civilizing Mission. Cultural Ideology in British India (London: Anthem Press, 2004); Carey A. Watt and Michael Mann, ed., Civilizing Missions in Colonial and Postcolonial South Asia. From Improvement to Development (London: Anthem Press, 2011). See also Alice Conklin, A Mission to Civilize: the Republican Idea of Empire in France and West Africa, 1895–1930 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000).
15 Philibert Pompée, “Collections diverses,” inRapports du jury international. Tome 13 , ed. Michel Chevalier (Paris: Dupont, 1868), 772.
16 Gil-jun Yu, “Levels of Enlightenment,” inSourcebook of Korean Civilization. Volume II. From the Seventeenth Century to the Modern Period , ed. Peter H. Lee (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996).
17 Michael Mann, “‘Torchbearers Upon the Path of Progress’: Britain’s Ideology of a ‘Moral and Material Progress’ in India,” inColonialism as Civilizing Mission. Cultural Ideology in British India , ed. Harald Fischer-Tiné and Michael Mann (London: Anthem Press, 2004), 13.
18 Young-sun Ha, “The Global Diffusion of the Western Concept of Civilisation to NineteenthCentury Korea,” inCultural Transfers in Dispute. Representations in Asia, Europe and the Arab World since the Middle Ages , ed. Jörg Feuchter, Friedhelm Hoffmann and Bee Yun (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2011); Si-hyun Ryu, “Multiply-Translated Modernity in Korea: Samuel Smiles’ Self-Help and its Japanese and Korean Translation,” International Journal of Korean History 16 (2011).
19 Ian Tyrrell,Reforming the World. The Creation of America’s Moral Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010).
20 William T. Harris, “The Centennial Exposition,” inTwenty-Second Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the St. Louis Public Schools, for the Year Ending August 1, 1876 (St. Louis: Slawson, 1877), 181.
21The Independent , I, 87, 24 October 1896.
22The Independent , I, 14, 7 May 1896.