초록
Yi Hwang and Yi I, who were one generation apart, played a central role in Chosŏn’s academic and political areas. They took the inner sage and outer sovereign as their academic ideal and accomplished great achievements regarding the ligi-simsŏng theories related to Neo-Confucianism based on Zhu Xi’s philosophy. They have more in common with each other than they have differences. Nevertheless their philosophies were quite dissimilar. Yi Hwang made clear the ethical orientation that should be pursued, by means of clearly distinguishing from all the other kinds of emotions, judgments, and behaviors those ones based on li. And he focused on mindfulness as a method of practice in order to materialize li without distortion by external environments or personal desires. Yi I attempted to offer a logical basis for the relationship between li and ki by strictly following the concept of definitions and examples from the ligi theory. This perspective may be conducive to explaining phenomena, however, this fails to offer a force able to change the psychophysical component of the self and guide society into further good. For this reason, Yi I notes the will and intention of mind-heart to turn from vice to virtue through self-cultivation. While Yi Hwang’s Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning focused on the learning and cultivation of the ruler, Yi I’s Essentials of Sage Learning emphasized the roles of the wise and ethical subordinates around the king. Given that Yi Hwang and Yi I were both intellectuals and public officials, it is difficult to separate their academic pursuits from their political practices. Therefore, their theoretical differences can explain their worldly and political choices.
키워드
T’oegye, Yi Hwang, Yulgok, Yi I, universal principle, mindfulness, purification of psychophysical components, will of the mind, Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, Essentials of Sage Learning
1. INTRODUCTION
As part of their efforts to pursue their personal interests, people create diverse types of groupings. To forge a group on a scale and with a system amounting to a nation, however, a shared ideology is required that transcends or at least is able to subtly mask the direct interests of its individual members. In addition, a nation is likely to endure for a greater period when the governing class consists of people who are able to internalize, represent, and practice that ideology. Although dogma can at times overwhelm individuals and trigger negative consequences, the establishment of human roles within an ideological system can serve as an important variable in real-world politics in the sense that ideology can be actualized only via the conduit of the individuals involved.
One fitting example is the Chosŏn dynasty, which made use of Neo-Confucianism based on the philosophy of Zhu Xi and the national civil service examination known as the
The emergence of the two Confucian scholars Yi Hwang (pen name: T’oegye; 1501–1570) and Yi I (pen name: Yulgok; 1536–1584), was of great import to the history of the Chosŏn dynasty. Originating in China, Neo-Confucianism became firmly entrenched as the Chosŏn state philosophy and ideology under the name of Chosŏn Sŏngnihak (朝鮮性理學) thanks to the academic and political efforts of these two scholars. The seed of the factional (
While both assumed Neo-Confucianism based on Zhu Xi’s philosophy as their academic foundation, their philosophies and political orientations were quite dissimilar. A number of possible reasons underlie their disparate choices, but this article simply focuses on the fact that the two scholars developed distinct philosophical theories from an identical academic foundation and that those theories eventually served as bases to establish the two major schools and political factions of Chosŏn intellectual and political circles. If consistency can be identified in the relationship between their political decisions and philosophical theories, it would be of great assistance in understanding the national ideologies or political philosophies that they pursued, as well as the positions of the twin schools and political factions that bifurcated Chosŏn’s governing class.
This article attempts to establish two main points: namely, that the theories of these two scholars, who accomplished great achievements regarding the
2. MOVING FORWARD AND MOVING BACK (CH’ULCH’Ŏ , 出處)
Early in the spring of 1558, a twenty-three-year-old Yi I paid his first visit to the fifty-eight-year-old renowned scholar Yi Hwang. Since that time, the two maintained a discussion of their lives, learning, and politics through the exchange of approximately twenty letters over the course of the thirteen years until Yi Hwang’s death in 1570. One of the main topics engaging the two from their first meeting was the issue of ‘moving forward and moving back’ (
From the time of his first public appointment after passing the
Upon returning to his hometown, Yi Hwang re-contemplated Neo-Confucianism based on Zhu Xi’s philosophy, which had served as the national ideology over the more than 150 years since the establishment of Chosŏn. He also seems to have been interested in the philosophy of Wang Yang-ming, which was growing in favor at that time in China’s Ming dynasty. Concurring with Wang Yang-ming’s critique that the teachings of Zhu Xi leaned excessively toward the details of theory, leading to a failure of proper appreciation of theory by overlooking the aspect of practice
In contrast to Yi Hwang, who was already both academically and politically mature, one of the major concerns facing Yi I when he visited Yi Hwang was the issue of whether or not to advance to public office. For Yi I, who was already renowned for his brilliance, the question was not one of whether or not he would be able to pass the
While reading the
This quotation appears at the beginning of Yi I’s writing
Three days later, he left for his mother’s family residence in Kangnŭng, filled with deep respect for Yi Hwang. Mentioning that “ancient sages’ ‘fear of younger generations’ (
Yi I, who was placed at the heart of the central government at that time, not only actively participated in the reversal but worked hard to draw Yi Hwang back into politics. When King Myŏngjong died in 1567, Yi I sent a letter to Yi Hwang to discuss the state funeral and eventually to recall Yi Hwang to Hanyang, the capital of Chosŏn. Yi Hwang promptly returned to his hometown after meeting the newly enthroned King Sŏnjo, but Yi I, enjoying the full endorsement of the new king, led the dawning of the era of the Confucian scholar-officials.
3 Although Yi Hwang returned to public office on occasion following his retirement, feeling unable to refuse the king’s repeated requests, he quickly resigned each post. For more details on Yi Hwang’s service in public office, see
4 Wolch’ŏn Cho Mok (月川 趙穆), one of Yi Hwang’s most outstanding students, describes the conditions of the intellectual society at that time as follows: “As it was right after the Eulsa Sahwa when (T’oegye was) working at Sŏnggyun’gwan, the foremost education institution in Chosŏn, in his twenties, the behavior of the literati became more dissolute every day.”
5 Yi Hwang, “Chŏnsŭmnok nonbyŏn” (傳習錄論辯, Argument on instructions for practical living),
6
7 Yi Hwang, “Simgyŏng huron” (心經後論, Remarks on the classic of the mind-heart),
8 For details about the political situation and academic process at the time of Yi Hwang’s life, see
9 For a detailed explanation about Yi Hwang’s academy-building campaign, see
10 Yi I (李珥), Swae ŏn (瑣言, Small stories),
11 Sima Qian (司馬遷), Liuhoushijia (留侯世家),
12 Yi Hwang, “Tap Cho Sa-gyŏng, Muo” (答趙士敬, 戊午),
13 Serving in a number of posts including taxation minister, personnel minister, and defence minister, Yi I remained at the center of political power until he died of illness.
3. UNIVERSAL PRINCIPLE (LI, 理) AND WILL (ŬI, 意)
While Yi Hwang’s philosophy spans a wide range of areas including
The propositions that most clearly reveal Yi Hwang’s position on
It was not Yi Hwang’s conception, however, that
From Yi Hwang’s perspective,
From his point of view, what is required of humans in order to draw
While Yi Hwang’s attitude toward
As to the roles of
A problem arises, however, insofar as although such a perspective may be conducive to explaining phenomena it may be of little use in the creation of a morally ideal society. In other words, Yi I’s
Yi I believed that human beings are specially connected with the universe/nature through the
According to Yi I, alone among all the constituents of nature human beings correspond to the heart of the universe and affect nature and the universe to that same degree. When a wise king rules, the universe, Heaven and Earth operate in harmony as well, but turbulent times bring about unpredictable natural events.
As mentioned above, however, Yi I’s
In the sense that
Yi Hwang’s emphasis on the attitude of mindfulness, in which a person concentrates on ‘
Of course, both Yi Hwang and Yi I emphasize mindfulness (
14 Yi Hwang, “Tap Ki Myŏng-ŏn non sadan ch’iljŏng, chei sŏ” (答奇明彦-論四端七情, 第二書),
15 Yi Hwang, “Tap Chŏng Cha-jung, pyŏlchi” (答鄭子中-別紙),
16 Yi Hwang, “Tap Ki Myŏng-ŏn, pyŏlchi” (答奇明彦-別紙),
17 For details about the context in which these three propositions were raised, see
18 In accordance with McCune-Reischauer romanization rules
19 Zhu Xi(朱熹), Taijitushuojie (太極圖說解, Commentary on the “Explanation of the Diagram of the Great Ultimate”),
20 Yi Hwang, Chesip Sukhŭngyamaejamdo (第十夙興夜寐箴圖, Ch. 10, Diagram of the admonition on ‘Rising early and retiring late’),
21 This is based on Yi Hwang’s theories on four beginnings and seven emotions (
22 Zhu Xi,
23 Yi I,
24 Yi I (李珥), “Tap Sŏng Ho-wŏn” (答成浩原),
25 Yi I (李珥), “Tap Sŏng Ho-wŏn” (答成浩原),
26 For how Yi I came to turn the human will toward self-cultivation to overcome the limitation of his
27 While Yi Hwang also endorses the mutual communication between the universe and human beings, he is critical of Yi I’s position that human behavior directly interacts with the universe. Yi Hwang, “Mujin yukchoso” (戊辰六條疏, Memorandum on six points),
28 Yi I, “Ch’ŏndo ch’aek” (天道策, Proposal on the Way of Heaven),
29 Yi I, “Tap Sŏng Ho-wŏn” (答成浩原),
30 Yi I, “Tap An Ŭng-hyu” (答安應休),
31 Yi I, “Ŏrok” (語錄, Quotations) Vol. 1,
32 Many scholars explain the differences between the two persons contrasting Yi Hwang’s mindfulness and Yi I’s sincerity. However, it seems that they overlook the point that the differences between Yi Hwang’s mindfulness and Yi I’s sincerity stem from the distinction between
4. MINDFULNESS (KYŎNG , 敬) AND CHANGES OF THE PSYCHOPHYSICAL COMPONENT (KIJILBYŎNHWA , 氣質變化)
Although Yi Hwang acknowledged that Wang Yang-ming’s criticism of Zhu Xi’s philosophy was not inaccurate, he was not of the opinion that Wang’s philosophy could replace Zhu Xi’s. According to him, while Wang Yang-ming does appear to cast aspersions on Zhu Xi for heavily relying on theory, his philosophy lags behind Zhu Xi’s in terms of exploration of detailed methods of practice. Yi Hwang’s ‘Chŏnsŭmnok nonbyŏn’ (傳習錄論辯, Arguments against instructions for practical living),
What he suggested as a complement to the imbalance in Zhu Xi’s philosophy was the
Yi Hwang explains mindfulness (
While Yi I agreed that the moral ideals of Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism represented by
This logic, however, risks a debate over the utility of
According to Yi I,
33 Yi Hwan, Chŏnsŭmnok nonbyŏn (傳習錄論辯),
34 Han’gang Chŏng Ku (寒岡 鄭逑), one of Yi Hwang’s disciples, published
35 Yi Hwang, Chesa
36
37 Yi I, Tap Sŏng Ho-won (答成浩原),
38 Here, he seems to be referring to the
39 For further details on the relationship between Yi I’s
40 Zhu Xi,
5. TWO TEXTS ON SAGE POLITICS
Yi I discussed the issue of the state funeral with Yi Hwang upon the death of King Myŏngjong (1567), bewailed the news of Yi Hwang’s death (1570), and presented a request for Yi Hwang’s inclusion in the national Confucian shrine (1581). While deeply respecting Yi Hwang, he carved out his own philosophical position unique from that of his older contemporary. In his discussion regarding the theory of ‘four beginnings’ and ‘seven emotions’ with his friend, Ugye Sŏng Hon in 1572, two years after the death of Yi Hwang, Yi I clearly expressed his view on the
When Yi Hwang first published the book, Yi I expressed a divergent view on aspects of the
(1)Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and politics as the realization of Heaven’s Dao and the mind-heart and nature
It required four months for Yi Hwang to complete the
The
The
In order to understand Yi Hwang’s discussion about the mind-heart and nature and the Dao of Heaven in the
Given that the purpose of Ch. 6 is to enable an ordinary king to become a Sage King through study and cultivation, it can be said that Yi Hwang focused on the third illustration. The key point in his theory of Four Beginnings and Seven Emotions is that we should clearly define our aim as human beings by classifying the moral emotions according to the standard of virtue or vice. Yi stated, “the essence of the matter is this: that which includes both
While Yi Hwang consistently emphasized mindfulness as the basic attitude to be studied and cultivated, we need to pay attention to the fact that he finished the
This mindfulness is one of the core concepts in Yi Hwang’s theory of study and cultivation, so some modern scholars refer to his theory as a philosophy of mindfulness (
The Lord on High (上帝) and Heaven (天), which were frequently referred to as personified gods in Pre-Qin Confucian scriptures, were replaced by abstract concepts such as
Although the psychophysical component (
This enables us to understand why Yi Hwang edited
This is even more important in the case of one who rules others. His single mind is the place where the beginnings of myriad affairs originate, the place where a hundred responsibilities come together. Manifold desires attack it in unison and all sorts of deceits try to bore their way in. If one is but once slack and heedless it will run wild, and if this continues it becomes like the collapse of a mountain or the boiling of the sea: who can control it then!
In the philosophy of Yi Hwang, the crucial point of politics depends on how to preserve, foster, and study the mind-heart of the king that
(2) Essentials of Sage Learning and the politics of the psychophysical component based on the orthodox line of Dao
In comparison to
Unlike Yi Hwang’s
Yi I argues that the first purpose of learning is to change the psychophysical component of the self. Furthermore, he presents the case of a person whose violent character changed into a warm personality after he had read the
However, we need to observe that, in terms of self-cultivation, Yi I places the establishment of
In Yi I’s view,
Yi Hwang focused on the study and cultivation of the mind-heart of the king or the nature of the mind-heart, and saw the ideal politics was found in the idea of morality being revealed and proliferating from nature in the single mind of the king. However, Yi I regarded the king as
I consider there to be nothing more urgent in the learning of a ruler than changing his psychophysical component, and nothing more urgent in the ruler’s governance than receiving recommendations on and employing wise and honest talent. The changes of the psychophysical component can be achieved only when it is performed as if diagnosing an illness and prescribing a treatment. Receiving recommendations on and employing wise and honest talent will succeed only when there is no gap between top and bottom.
According to Yi I, the core of the education of a ruler lies in purifying the psychophysical component of the self and the highest priority in his governance is the employment of wise and honest individuals. When viewed from this perspective, the education of a ruler that changes the psychophysical component of the self is learning and cultivation at the personal level and the governance of a ruler that utilizes wise subordinates transforms the psychophysical component surrounding the
Here we should also pay attention to the “Lineage of sages’ Dao” (聖賢道統), the last chapter of
In Yi I’s view, these officials in the line of Dao effectively had a more significant role than the king with his royal line, so he sees altering the psychophysical component as the crucial point of politics. In order for him to achieve the politics of a Sage King, the king’s learning should be Neo-Confucianism based on Zhu Xi’s philosophy, and he must be accompanied by officials who had inherited the lineage of Dao. Of course, almost all Neo-Confucian intellectuals, including Zhu Xi himself and Yi Hwang, tried to ensure that the academy (
41 Yi I, “Sang T’oegye sŏnsaeng munmok” (上退溪先生問目),
42 According to
43 Yi Hwang, “Chin Sŏnghak sipto ch’a” (進聖學十圖箚, Address presenting the ten diagrams on sage learning to King Sŏnjo),
44 Yi Hwang, “Cheil Taegŭkto” (第一太極圖, Ch. 1, Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate),
45 Yi Hwang, “Cheo Paengnoktong kyu to” (第五白鹿洞規圖, Ch. 5, Diagram of rules of the White Deer Hollow Academy),
46 Yi Hwang, “Chesip sukhŭngyamaejamdo (第十夙興夜寐箴圖, Ch. 10, Diagram of the admonition on ‘rising early and retiring late’),
47 This explanation on the composition and contents of
48 Yi Hwang, Cheyuk Simt’ongsŏngchŏngdo (第六心統性情圖, Ch. 6, Diagram of the saying, “the mind combines and governs the nature and the feelings”),
49 Yi Hwang, Cheyuk simt’ongsŏngjŏngdo (第六心統性情圖, Ch. 6, Diagram of the saying, “The mind combines and governs the nature and the feelings”),
50 Yi Hwang, Chegu Kyŏngjaejamdo (第九敬齋箴圖, Ch. 9, Diagram of the Admonition for Mindfulness Studio) and Che sip Sukhŭngyamaejamdo (第十夙興夜寐箴圖, Ch. 10, Diagram of the Admonition on ‘rising early and retiring late’),
51
52 For more details, see
53 Yi Hwang, Chin Sŏnghak sipto ch’a (進聖學十圖箚, Address presenting the
54 Yi I, Sŏnghak chibyo-seo (聖學輯要-序, Introduction for
55 Yi I, “Sŏnghak chibyo,”
56 On the methods and the effects for changing the psychophysical component, see
57 Yi I, “Sŏnghak chibyo sŏ,”
58 Yi I, “Sŏnghak chibyo,”
59 Yi I, Sŏnghak chibyo–chinch’a (聖學輯要–進箚, Address presenting the Essentials of Sage Learning to King Seonjo),
60 Yi I, Sŏnghak chibyo–chinch’a,
61 Yi I, “Sŏnghak chibyo–chinch’a,”
6. CONCLUSION
Yi Hwang and Yi I, who were one generation apart, each played a central role in Chosŏn’s academic and political arenas. They have more in common with each other than they do differences. They lived in nearly the same period and under similar social and political circumstances, all within the same nation. They also cared dearly for one another and influenced succeeding generations to a similar extent.
Nevertheless, their positions are often described as conflicting. This is primarily attributed to the fact that the two were considered heads of opposing schools and political factions that later split Chosŏn’s intellectual society and political circles. As a result, the differences in their academic perspectives and political positions became a focus, and disciples of each school used such discrepancies to denounce others and strengthen their own positions. They share a number of convergences, but their differences have been brought to the fore over the long course of historic and academic evaluations.
This article has attempted to interpret the departures in their academic perspectives as they relate to their political choices and thought. They shared a goal of forging a nation and society that achieves moral ideals represented by
Yi Hwang approached
Meanwhile, Yi I turned to the role of the psychophysical component surrounding
Valuing awe and mindfulness for the Lord on High, and efforts to draw to the fore the purity and completeness of ‘
Unlike Yi Hwang, who exerted indirect influence over politics while devoting himself to his own academic study and education in his hometown, Yi I directly participated in the governance of the nation from the political heart. While Yi Hwang’s
This attempt to link the academic perspectives and political choices of these two scholars requires further reflection on history and political history. However, this article presents a potential philosophical interpretation to explain their political choices and considerations by comparing the theories of Neo-Confucianism with which they were intimately involved.
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1 Most of the scholars in this area have explained that Yi Hwang and Yi I were adversarial and tried to find the differences in philosophical or political aspects. The papers in the next footnote show this point of view. Of course, the present author will compare the positions of the two and clarify the distinctions, too. However, the writer’s viewpoint is that Yi I inherited Yi Hwang’s critical view of the philosophy and politics of the time and developed his theories reflecting the changes of the age. Because this issue will be explicated concretely in another paper by the author, here just the point of view is revealed. Nevertheless, a partial explanation will emerge in the next section.
2 Some researchers attribute the differences in political opinion between Yi Hwang and Yi I to the differences in their understanding of politics rather than of Neo-Confucian theories(Ch’oe Chin-hong, 2009) , while others view the issue from the perspective of inner morality and situationalistic political orientation or subjective interiority and objective exteriority (Pak Ch’ung-sŏk, 2010 ;Sŏ Kŭn-sik, 2012) . Also, some link Yi Hwang’s theory on the ‘mutual issuance of li and ki’ (ligi hoballon , 理氣互發論) and Yi I’s on the ‘release of ki with li mounting it’ (kibal isŭng ilto sŏl , 氣發理乘一途說) to issues of the political realities in which they were situated (Yi Sang-ik, 2001) . While these studies reflect some of the achievements of the existing research on these two scholars, they cannot illuminate the relationship between their political thoughts/positions and Neo-Confucianism in a systematic manner.